數十年來，中國共產黨對於儒家主義的文化價值產生巨變。不似四十年前的革命，當時共產黨欲拔除儒道深植的價值，孔夫子成為國家反革命的代表形象。相反的，近年來黨內開始重塑孔夫子的地位，藉由每年慶祝孔子誕辰，立孔子像以彰顯他的貢獻，塑造成中國偉大的聖人。這大膽假設過去以馬克思主義的基本意識形態可能在改變，產生共鳴的對象從馬克思主義蛻變成儒家主義。另外一說：中國共產黨意圖採用普世的儒家價值來合理化其作為。因此我們應如何看待這個黨與過去其眼中的「魔」共舞？黨對於儒家主義的真正意圖為合？本文研究重點將解釋以上問題。 首先，本文將透過理論去探討儒家主義如何合理化政治行為。接著將透過重要的歷史背景因素證明一開始的中國共產黨對儒家主義的深惡痛絕。其後將透過第一手的文件和歷史文獻佐證在1980年代儒家主義復甦以後，黨轉變為尋找與大眾價值的共識──與儒家主義共存的立場。儒家主義的再次興起帶來了民族尊嚴，進而使黨更容易透過國家主義統一整個國家。另一方面，中國共產黨也試著傳播精心塑造的儒家主義，去蕪存菁的挑選出最利於黨的儒家元素架構。後段將提到中國共產黨如何選擇性的篩選儒家主義元素來支持獨裁統治，向國際營造中國穩定社會的形象；而非摒棄過去基本意識形態──馬克思主義卻選擇西化。最後駁斥某些立場：如中國共產黨正準備脫離現下的基本意識進而靠攏儒家主義。 因此，儘管過去中國共產黨批評儒家主義是製造階級化的淵藪，但現在卻一步步採用同樣思想，合理化獨裁統治。這種五十步笑百步的行為，挑選了利於黨的儒家元素，將存在中國兩千年的儒家主義的這甕舊酒，裝到中國共產黨統治下的這個新瓶裡。 / Over the last few decades, the Chinese Communist Party’s attitude towards the most profound determinant of the traditional Chinese culture – Confucianism – changed significantly. Not even 40 years ago, Confucius was represented as an anti-revolutionary enemy of the state, while the party tried to root out every sprout of Confucianism amongst the population. Contrarily, nowadays, the party seems to have re-instated Confucius to the position of ‘great Chinese sage’, for which it organizes his annual birthday parties, raises statues for him and praises his contributions to humanity. This leads some observers to the bold conclusion that the party might even be prepared to change its ideological basis from Marxism – which lost its resonance amongst the population anyways – to Confucianism. Others disagree, and argue that the party is just widening its legitimacy basis in a populist way by using all kinds of means, amongst which Confucianism. Thus, how should we assess the party’s dance with the former devil? What is actually the party’s plan with Confucianism? Giving an answer to the latter question is the main purpose of this research. First of all, as most authors relate this phenomenon to the party’s quest for political legitimacy, a basic theoretical overview will be given, showing possible causality between Confucianism and political legitimacy. Secondly, the most essential historical background will be provided in order to explain why the party was initially so malicious towards Confucianism. Subsequently, based on literature, and based on an analysis of primary sources, it will be argued that the party, after witnessing a popular revival of Confucianism in the 1980s, on the one hand sought consensus with the population by co-opting this revival – a revival which led to national pride, enabling the party to capitalize on its nationalist legacy as unifier of the country – while it on the other hand tried to channel this development into a meticulously constructed form of Confucianism – by selecting some elements and discarding others – that would benefit the party. The latter refers to a fragmented version of Confucianism which supports authoritarian rule, enhances social stability, shows a gentler face of China to the outside world, presents an attractive cultural alternative to Westernization, but - most importantly - doesn’t present an ideological alternative to Marxism. The latter refutes the claim that the CCP is preparing to depart from its current ideological base towards Confucianism. Concluding, despite the fact that the party previously vigorously blamed Confucianism for having facilitated the subjugation of the population, it now more or less uses Confucianism in a similar manner. The pot seems to have called the kettle black. Therefore, the role of Confucianism in the CCP’s legitimacy strategy is old wine – symbolizing the way in which dynastical China has used a selection of Confucian teachings to enhance its authoritarian rule for two millennia – in a new socialist bottle.

前人學者對於早期中國共產黨的研究，大多從第三國際輸出共產主義到中國的角度進行，自然強調了中蘇兩個共產之間在意識形態的影響及其作用，而忽略蘇俄對華政策如何影響中國共產黨（以下簡稱「中共」）的成立活動及其黨內路線變化的層面，包括蘇俄對中共的支援，本文集中探討此一過去學界所忽略的問題側面－－蘇俄對中共含有現實政治的動機與目的。 因此，本文主旨在於論析1917年10月革命後至1923年 1月為止，蘇俄的對華政策及蘇俄與中共間的互動關係。透過此論析，吾人欲加以論證者有以下兩點： 第一，中共的創立包括其主要路線的變化及大部分的活動，皆是在蘇俄的亞洲戰略以及對華政策的影響下進行。 第二，蘇俄接觸並支援中共，只是其亞洲戰略及對華政策的一個環節，並非只在於擴散共產主義理念的單一目的而已。 本文除導言及結論外，主體為參章。第壹章，闡明蘇俄於10月革命後，列寧政權如何從對外政策轉為現實路線，並闡述蘇俄對華政策的動機與其過程：第貳章，探討中共的創立及其活動與蘇俄在華工作的對應關係（functional relation）:第參章，論析中共自第一次全國代表大會（1921年7月）後開始至1923年1月「孫中山與越飛聯合宣言」為止的期間，中共政治路線及其發展因受到蘇俄對華政策影響的演變過程。

欲探尋中共和知識份子的關係，必先回顧其歷史發展。早在1940年代，中共已藉由「整風運動」，發展出一套「馴服」和「利用」知識份子的辦法。1949年中共建立新政權，更將此邏輯推及全國，對於當代中國知識份子而言，無疑是一巨大變化與挑戰。 　　胡風，作為一位與中共關係密切的作家、知識份子，其政治立場向來親共，乃被中共視為「同路人」。儘管如此，胡風仍有諸多意見，未能與中共全然契合。1954年，胡風向中共中央遞交「萬言書」，直陳中共文藝政策的缺失。1955年，毛澤東欽定「胡風反革命集團」一案，胡風和友人多遭逮捕、審查，並牽連甚廣。胡風一派因言獲罪，堪稱中共建政以來首宗「文字獄」，亦為重大政治冤獄。 　　本研究以胡風事件為主軸，圍繞胡風其人進行個案研究。第一章為導論，簡述本文研究動機，以及當代以來中國知識份子的思想變化。第貳章、第叁章為胡風之個人歷史，描述胡風求學、出洋、創作、涉入政治的人生歷程，作為討論胡風事件的背景介紹。第肆章為主文，詳述胡風事件的原委，進一步探討胡風事件的成因，分析中共黨政高層（特別是毛澤東）所扮演之關鍵決策角色，藉此釐清其政治責任。第伍章結論，為筆者的研究心得和展望。透過胡風事件的探究，筆者針對毛澤東的個人權威、中共與知識份子的特殊關係，以及中共政治文化提出檢討。 / To realize the relationship between the CCP and the intellectuals, we should review the historical development. Early in the 1940s, the CCP has already progressed the method of “using” the intellectuals. In 1949, the new regime was built by the CCP. Furthermore, they spread this strategy to whole mainland. Obviously, it was a big change and challenge to the contemporary Chinese intellectuals. Hu Feng, as an intellectual and a “comrade”, whose political position had been closed to the CCP. However, Hu Feng still had some opinions which differ from the CCP. In 1954, Hu Feng submitted his proposal which criticizing the CCP’s literature and art policy. In 1955, Mao ZeDong judged this case as “Hu Feng counterrevolutionary group”. After that, Hu Feng and his companions were arrested and investigated by the government. The Hu Feng Incident seemed to be such a literary persecution and injustice case. 　　This research mainly focuses on the Hu Feng Incident. Firstly, Chapter 1 is the “Introduction”, which introduces the reasons of this research and the changing thought of modern Chinese intellectuals. Secondly, the focus of Chapter 2 is the life course and career pattern of Hu Feng. Chapter3 is the narration of the big change to the intellectuals on 1949. Chapter 4, which includes the main idea of this research, not only analyzes the causes of the Hu Feng Incident, but also seeks the crucial role of Mao. In Conclusion, Chapter 5 summarized the reflection and the vision upon this research. The writer reviews Mao’s personal authority and the political culture of the CCP. Finally, the special relationship between the CCP and the Chinese intellectuals will still be a major issue, that will need further study on it.

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Internationally, China’s promotion of its cultural heritage has gained much attention as a means to gain soft power and exert influence. In 2021, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), released the 14th Five-Year Plan stating the country’s overarching ambitions in the coming years. In contrast to previous plans, this year’s policy document contains strong wordings concerning enhancing soft power, socialist culture and for the Chinese people to ‘inherit and carry forward’ Excellent Traditional Culture, signifying that China’s approach to soft power and cultural promotion may be of increased importance also in the domestic context. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to explore the discourse used to promote ‘Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture’ within China.   By applying thematic analysis to articles from The People’s Daily seven dominant themes emerged regarding promotional efforts. Between the time interval of 2021-2022, the promotion of ‘Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture’ emphasized the following themes: Leadership of Xi Jinping, Integration of Marxism and Chinese Characteristics, Combining Tradition and Modernity, Cultural Self-Confidence and Nationalism, Creativity and Innovative Transformation, National Rejuvenation and Inheritance, and China’s International Cultural Soft Power. As previous research on soft power in the Chinese context suggests, discourse and narratives seem to build on the notion of building a united and cohesive nation. Instilling a cultural and ideological basis that should permeate all of Chinese society.

滿清末年以來，中國文官節制武官的傳統受到嚴重破壞，地方團練取代政府軍，地方軍隊演變成軍閥主義，國家領導人都是由戰場上勝利的軍人擔任。江澤民時期開始，中共實施世代交替，黨、政、軍高層領導人，轉移給一批技術官僚與軍事專業人員手上，此期間中共黨、政、軍互動關係為本文研究之目的。透過歷史比較，江澤民，是一個幾乎與解放軍毫無淵源的文官，沒有任何服役與作戰的經驗，卻能順利掌握軍隊與國家，本研究證明在中國中斷數百年來「文官統制武官」的歷史傳統，已經恢復。此外，近二十年來，中共軍事現代化成就確實令人刮目相看，與江澤民的外語專長及電機專長有密切關係，這些人格特質也是他令軍隊信服的重要工具。軍政軍民關係上，江澤民堅持民主集中制，排除多黨制，造成軍隊遠離政治紛擾，並與黨充分合作，以獲致預算並做好軍民與軍政關係。在解放軍內部，推動軍事教育的改革，也造就解放軍戰略思維的重大轉變，形成解放軍現代化的動力之ㄧ。然而，敏感性的軍文關係議題，例如一黨領軍，中共有禁忌而且沒有試驗場，台灣的寶貴經驗，很值得大陸參考。 關鍵字：中國共產黨、軍隊現代化、解放軍、文人統制、軍事專業主義 / During the decline of Chin Dynasty, as an unintended result to rely upon localized National Guard defeating upraise event, the Chinese traditional Civilian Control system was replaced by warlord system. Since then, the war hero was the one who advanced to political leadership. Until Jiang Zemin, a civilian with civil college certificate took leadership over the PLA, CCP, and PRC. The purpose of this paper is to exam the civil-military interaction during Jiang Zemin’s journey. Through historical comparison, this paper confirmed that the Chinese traditional Civil-Control system has been revived. Also, Jiang Zemin was the military leadership over PLA modernization. With personal attributes of profound languages and electronic profession, he shaped his position successfully in PLA community. This paper also recognized significant relationship between one-party theory and PLA, and the relationship between PLA　NDU and strategic thinking. Key Words: Chinese Communist Party, Military Modernization, People Liberation Army, Civil-Control and Military Professionalism.

婦女的政治參與是促進性別平等的重要條件。中國的經濟改革帶來了在該國的社會和經濟部門大量的改進。然而，權力，政治文化和經濟的原因與其他社會文化因素相結合的政權的壟斷，導致婦女在中國的政治生活中連續的統治。本研究結合使用的輔助研究方法與合理的數據量涵蓋1977至2013年的婦女在選擇的最高政治機構的存在。該研究發現，女性在整個政治委員會代表性不足，但最糟糕的政府高層官員（精英）和黨的機構。這意味著，在國家層面，政治仍然是男性領域，有超過黨的機構也存在著一個嚴峻的陽剛壟斷。婦女被真正發現，如議會，他們的存在只是作為在中國共產黨的利益高於性別平等或行使平等權利的真正意義上滿足全球重要的還是國內需求的來源（男人之間和女性）在確定他們的社會事務。 / Women’s participation in politics is an important requirement for gender equality. China’s economic reform has brought massive improvements in the social and economic sectors of the country. However, the regime’s monopoly of power, political culture and economic reasons in combination with other socio-cultural factors has resulted to continuous domination of women in China’s political life. This study has employed a secondary research approach in combination with a reasonable data quantity covering 1977 to 2013 on the presence of women in selected top political institutions. The study finds out that women are under-represented across the political board but worst in top government (elite) and party institutions. This means that, at the state level, politics remains a domain for men and there exist a stern masculine monopoly over party institutions also. Where women are genuinely found, such as the parliament, their presence only serves as a source of meeting an important global or domestic requirement in the interest of the Chinese Communist Party than a true sense of gender equality or exercise of an equal right (between men and women) in determining the affairs of their society.

世界各主要軍事國家在推進新軍事變革中，有一個共同的做法，就是把高素質人才的培養作為戰略制高點。美國國防部就曾提出了「新型軍事人才是軍事戰略競爭的製高點」。高素質人才無疑已成為決定軍事事務變革成敗的戰略資源和核心要素，誰搶占了人才制高點，誰就擁有制勝的先機。 我國軍事教育條例第一條開宗明義指出：為健全軍事教育，培養軍事人才，以奠基國防力量，特制定本條例；軍事教育為國家整體教育之一環。中共近年來也大力推動國防與軍事改革，強調「人才強則事業強，人才興則軍隊興」，對軍事人才培育工作非常積極。 航空武力是空防與國防最重要的軍力，戰鬥機飛行員就是空軍戰力的主要核心。本研究旨在探討兩岸空軍戰鬥機飛行員的教育培養體系模式，比較雙方在教育模式上，足以支撐人才投入的成效。經研究發現，中共空軍航空大學近年來為捍衛空天安全，和發展國家利益上，積極提倡「建設世界一流空軍，要擁有一批制勝空天的一流飛行員」的口號，不但如此，為超前培育軍事航空航天領域新型飛行人才，還模仿我國空軍幼年學校和中正預校，創新建設空軍青少年航空學校。 我中華民國空軍官校在網羅優秀飛行學生上，一向不遺餘力，如今在如此多元化的社會中，建議我國還是要積極建立在航空軍事學門的教育認證學歷，並足以讓教育部認可與航空界認可之證照，讓國家航空軍事人才培育成為最重要的項目，也希望軍事大學教育能夠建立一般學科和軍事學科雙學籍制度，讓政府部門付出的成本，得到實質的效果，相信對我國航空事業和軍事深造教育發展，應有助益。 / The world's major military countries in promoting the new military revolution, there is a common practice, that is, the cultivation of high-quality talent as a strategic high ground. The US Department of Defense has put forward the "new military talent is the commanding heights of military strategic competition." High-quality talent has undoubtedly become a strategic task of determining the success or failure of military affairs and core elements, who seize the high ground of talent, who will have the opportunity to win. China's military education regulations first openly pointed out: to improve military education, training of military personnel, to lay the foundation of national defense forces, the development of this Ordinance; military education as one of the national education as a whole. In recent years, the Chinese Communist Party has also vigorously promoted national defense and military reform, emphasizing that "talent is strong and talented," he is very active in military personnel training. Aviation force is air defense and defense of the most important military, fighter pilots is the main core of the Air Force combat power. The purpose of this study is to explore the mode of education and training of pilots of the air force fighter aircraft, and to compare the effectiveness of the two talents in the educational model. The study found that the Chinese Communist Party Air Force Aviation University in recent years to defend the safety of air and space, and the development of national interests, and actively promote the "building a world-class air force, to have a group of winning air first-class pilots" slogan, not only that, Military aviation and aerospace field of new flight talent, but also imitate our Air Force youth school and Chiang Kai-shek pre-school, innovation and construction of Air Force youth aviation school. I am still in the diversity of society, it is recommended that China should actively establish the educational qualification of aviation military education, and enough to allow the Ministry of Education to recognize and the aviation sector, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Education, It is hoped that the education of military university can establish the system of double school students in general disciplines and military disciplines, so that the cost paid by the government departments can obtain the substantial effect, and believe that the training of Taiwan's aviation industry and The development of military postgraduate education should be helpful.

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