No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1971.

In recent times, there are some indications which suggest an attempt to relegate the traditional or pre-Christian notion of Nyorjmo to the background in the face of recent Christian expansion within the Ga community. This may be observed basically in two forms. First is the attitude and thinking which attempt to separate Nyorjmo, who is considered a holy God, totally from the creation, considered unholy. This view suggests that Nyorjmo is holy and therefore his name cannot be attached to any aspect of the creation which is considered corrupted with sin and evil. In this regard, a distinction is thus made between Nyorjmo, the Supreme Being, and nyorjmo, rain. A new word nugbo,1 literally 'water stranger' or 'foreign water' has therefore emerged and is now being used for rain by some Ga. Secondly, there is the assumption, especially among some Ga Christians, that hitherto, the Ga did not know about God and that it was Christianity and the proclamation of the Christian message that introduced the knowledge of God into the Ga religious culture. These views are, however, contrary to the thoughts of the traditional Ga. The pre- Christian notion of Nyoymo is that of a Supreme Being, who is not far removed from creation but deeply involved in its daily activities. Thus one finds the name of Nyorjmo attached to some elements within the creation, as the configurations of Nyoymo2 indicate. Again, contrary to the views held by some Ga Christians, oral and early written sources indicate that the notion of Nyorjmo was well established within the Ga religious and social life before the coming of Christianity. However, one realises that with the influence of Christianity and Bible translation, the concept Nyorjmo has expanded and assumed a new meaning to become the Christian God of the Bible, 'the Father of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.' 1 E. T. A. Abbey, Kedzi Afo Yordan (Gbele Ke Yarafeemo), (Accra: Bureau of Ghana Languages, 1968), p 37. 2 Johanness Zimmermann, A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra - or Ga -Language and some Specimen of it from the mouth of the Natives, (Stuttgert: J. F. Steinkopf, 1858), pp 243-244. See also M. E. Kropp Dakubu, 'Linguistic Pre-History and Historical Reconstruction: the Ga-Adangme Migrations' in Transaction of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. XIII (i), (Legon, June 1972), p 119. This research attempts to investigate the 'development' of Nyorjmo as a religious concept from its pre-Christian usage to the present. It looks at how Nyorjmo was recognised in the traditional religious life. This is done by analysing the general historical and religious backgrounds of the Ga people, focusing on key elements within the social, political, economic and religious settings. The work further assesses the impact of Christian influence on Ga culture, especially in the area of Bible translation, and also observes how the concept has gained a new meaning as a result of this engagement. The researcher concludes by exploring some of the implications raised in the work and attempts some suggestions on how Ga Christian theology may be developed to address these concerns. / Ye bei nee amli ni Kristojamo ebahe shi ni loolo le aabo moderj ni agbe Kristojamo ashwa ye Ga shikpoji ano le, tamo noni hie miihe akpa boni wonuo wiemo 'Nyonmo' le shishi wohaa ye wo blema shihile mli aloo dani Kristojamo le bashe bie. Enejeo kpofann ye gbei srotoi enyo ano. Klerjklen le, tamo noni ye wo nifeemoi ke wo susumoi amli le wokaa ake woten Nyonmo he nfoniri ko. Noji ake wonaa ake eye Kronkron ni nohewo le esda ni ake egbei bataa adeboo noko he kwraa ejaake nofeeno ni yoo je le mli le kpa ye he ni ehe ewo muji ke esha. Enehewo le mei komei taoo ni amegbla Nyonmo ni ji Tse Ofe le ke nyonmo ni neo le ten. Arjoo nyonmo ni neo le ake nugbo.1 Emli jalemo ji nu ni ebato gbo. Nugbo nee ji gbei ni nmenerjmene le Gamei komei ketseo nyonmo ni neo nee. No ni ji enyo le, Ga Kristofoi komei susuo ake Gamei lee Nyonmo ye blema bei le amli. Ene le eji sane ni naa wa ni yoo ahuntoo. Ye neke mei nee asusumo naa le, Kristojamo ke Nyonmo wiemo le gbee ke shwamo le ji noni ha Gamei na le ake Nyonmo ko ye, ye amejamo ke shihile mli. Shi moy neke susumo nee, jee Ga shikweebii asusumo ni. Eke noni amele ye Nyonmo he kpda gbee kwraa. Anokwale le ji ake beni Kristojamo ba ko Ga shikpon le no beebe le, Gamei le Nyonmo ake Ofe ni eta adeboo fee no, ni asan ejieo eheshi ye adeboo nibii komei ke Gamei anifeemo nii ke ame daa gbi shihile mli. Ene hewo je ni woyoseo ake Gamei ke Nyonmo gbei le ebata adeboo mli nibii komei ahe le.2 Asan jwerjmo nee ni kristofoi komei yoo ye Nyonmo he le jee ja keke ni ejda, shi moy ye Gamei awiemo ke woji ni anmlafee amli le, ejeo kpo fanrj ake Gamei le Nyonmo ye ame jamo ke jen shihile fee mli dani Kristojamo ba. 1 E. T. A. Abbey, Kedzi Afo Yordan (Gbele Ke Yarafeemo), (Accra: Bureau of Ghana Languages, 1968), p 37. 2 Johanness Zimmermann, A Grammatical Sketch of the Akra - or Ga -Language and some Specimen of it from the mouth of the Natives, (Stuttgert: J. F. Steinkopf, 1858), pp 243-244. See also M. E. Kropp Dakubu, 'Linguistic Pre-History and Historical Reconstruction: the Ga-Adangme Migrations' in Transaction of the Historical Society of Ghana, Vol. XIII (i), (Legon, June 1972), p 119. Shi ksle, woyoseo hu ake Kristojamo ke IJmals Kronkron shishitsoomo eye ebua ni else shishinumo ni Gamei yoo ye Nyonmo he le mli: agbene Gamsi naa Nyonmo ake Kristofoi aNyonmo, moni IJmale Kronkron yeo ehe odase ake eji wo Nuntso ke Yiwalaherelo Yesu Kristo Tse le. Oti ni yoo mi ninmaa nss mli ji ake magbls shi ni matao boni Gamei naa Nyonmo ye ame jamo ke ams shihils mli amshaa, ksjs blema, dani Kristojamo ba ks agbene tsakemoi srotoi ni eba ksje nakai bei le amli aahuu kebashi nmsns. Boni afee ni mi nine ashe oti nss he Is, mitao Gamsi ayino saji ks ams blema shihils amli, ni titri Is mikws ame jen shihils, mankuramo, nitsumoi, jarayeli ke jamoi fee aks meni abaanye akaseys nibii nee amli. Nokome hu ni mifee ye nikasemo nee mliji ake, mikws shishinumo hee ni Gamsi ena ye Nyonmo he, titri Is kstso IJmals Kronkron le shishitsoomo no, ks agbene boni Kristojamo hu etsake ams ashihils eha, ketso IJmale Kronkron Is kanemo no. Mimu shibgblsmo nee naa ke naawoo: gbe no ni abaatso ni Kristo he nilee baa shwere ye Gamsi aten. Eji mihemoksyeli aks nikasemo hee ni jso shigblsmo nee mli Is baa hsle Gamei ashi, titri le Kristofoi, koni ameyose ake nibii babaoo ye ame jen shihile ke blema saji amli ni baaye ebua ams bo ni afee ni ams nu Nyonmo shishi jogbann ni asan ams nys ameja le ye ame disrjtss ams shishinumo naa ksjetj shihils mli. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermartzburg, 2006.

From the inception of Christianity, Jesus Christ and his followers, who had worked closely with Him, had certain objectives and perception about the faith. Jesus Christ, the fulfillment of the prophecies became the ideal of the new religion. In the fulfillment of time, God had revealed Himself to His people. Each person who accepted Christianity was urged to become Christlike. The major objective of Christianity was to reveal the Father and to win followers for Him through His Son. This was first preached to the Jewish people who were then the 'chosen people*. With the exception of a small community of followers in Jerusalem, these people rejected both Christ and His message. After this rejection, Christianity was preached to the Gentiles and spread to the countries of Asia Minor, North Africa and finally Europe. The major strategy of the propagators of the Gospel message was the preaching of equality of human beings as children of God and fraternal love. By the time Christianity came to the rest of Africa and Tanzania in particular, it had gone through various interpretations and modifications. It had experienced schisms and heresies and the African, who was at the receiving end, became a victim of divisions', sects and sub-sects. The missionaries addressed themselves to individuals and through the individuals to society. Their major aim was not only to convert the individuals but also society. Those individuals who became converted to the new religion accepted not only its ethics but also new religious values that contradicted their primal understanding of God. To answer the question of how they could become Christian yet remain African, some broke away from the European type of Churches to form African Indigenous Churches. Others felt that they were called to 'give light from within' their Churches. These were the revivalists and they are numerous in Africa. This study focuses on the Revival Movement (Uamsho), in the Anglican Church of Tanzania, which emphasizes 'new life'. The Revivalists who brought this particular Uamsho did not aim to form new Churches but to reform the Church, which had ignored some important truths of the Gospel. This study discusses the origins and Theology of this Uamsho in the Tanzanian Anglican Church. The first chapter, which serves as an introduction, includes also the reasons why this is an important study and the methodology used in the research. The second chapter gives background information about the political, religious, social and economic factors that have contributed to the emergence of the Uamsho. The chief aim of chapter three is to explain the emergence and spread of Uamsho. In order to clarify the development of Uamsho, three phases are identified. This order helps to identify the main theological emphasis of wanauamsho (revivalists). The Theological issues raised in the above chapters are then drawn out and discussed in the next two chapters. Chapter four discusses the distinguishing theological characteristics of Uamsho: the meaning of being saved, the processes that lead to being saved and the life of a saved one. Following on from chapter four, chapter five discusses the Uamsho understanding of Salvation. This is then developed to the discussion of the Uamsho Christology, Pneumatology, Theodicy, and Ecclesiology. The purpose of this chapter is to test the authenticity of the Uamsho theology. We finally conclude our discussion by stating that Uamsho emerged to revive the Church that had ignored some truths of the Gospel. This chapter also suggests some recommendations to the Anglican Church in Tanzania that may challenge to be relevant to members. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

Through the invitation of the then traditional ruler of Bali Nyonga, the missionaries of the Basel Mission arrived there in 1903. They embarked on evangelisation especially through the opening of schools. They studied the mungaka language, translated the Bible into it and made several other publications. However in the process of translation they concluded in strong terms that the Bali had no notion of a Supreme Being who created heaven and earth. Professors, Bolaji Idowu, Kwame Bediako and others argue contrary to such missionary assertion above, that continuity from the old religion is what gives meaning to the understanding of the new. It is in this light that in this work we seek to explore the Bali Nyonga conception of the Supreme Being. We will also investigate Christian understanding of the God of Israel; whether he is understood only in the light of previous understanding or they consider him to be somebody whom they had never known in their worldview. The researcher begins however with the basic assumption that the new can be understood only in the light of the past. This is because the people have a few sayings, which clearly indicate that their past is so much, cherished. They say for example that Bo ma ni ntun mandzi mfi kui tsed I nden beh [one cannot dig a new road without cutting across the existing road], ntan 'wo' ka gha bun nden ma mi be mbe I ti' la' be nto nkwedkwed [the hawk said it is not good for old people to all die, lest one day people would take them for meat]1. There is also the name Dayebga [one cannot forget his homeland or their compound]. After introducing the work in chapter one, the next chapter presents a historical overview of the context of research. Chapter three explores the conception of God among the Bali Nyonga. The findings of Europeans are first presented followed by the understanding of indigenes. Chapter four considers the encounter between two conflicting worldviews and its consequences as the Gospel and missionaries [two different worldviews] came into contact with the Bali worldview. The next chapter investigates Christian practice and their understanding of God. We have done this by analysing some Church hymns and prayers. Chapter six is a summary of the findings and a theological reflection on the results of the findings. 1 The hawk is not eaten. By this proverb it is considered that if there are no old people to pass on old values the next generation may do things that are digressions from esteemed values. This saying emphasizes continuity. Babila Fochang, Wisdom of the Ancients - Some African Proverbs, Witty Sayings and their interpretations drawn mostly from Bali Nyonga in the North West province of Cameroon, Dschang: Dschang University Press, 2001, p.4 / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

This research aims to carry out a historical analysis of "the contribution of Rainisoalambo, the father of revivals, to the indigenization of the Protestant churches in Madagascar" and also to enrich the field of historical research for the Church in Madagascar. The revival movement is rooted in the Protestant Church history, so this research is intended to study the concept of indigenization through the preaching, sermons and teachings of Rainisoalambo. There are two main Protestant churches in Madagascar: the Reformed Church (FJKM) and the Lutheran (FLM). The revival found within these churches inspired me to think about the power behind the Church growth in my country. Rainisoalambo contextualized the Gospel. He used indigenization as a strategy and its principles as a source of vitality for the Malagasy Protestant churches. He did not teach a new doctrine either. He helped the people of God to express their faith in Malagasy culture. In the 20th century, the revival movement shifted from the perception of mass conversion and dramatic social changes to the revitalization of God's people. Therefore, the fundamental question is: "What is the major contribution of Rainisoalambo as the father of revivals, to the indigenization of the Protestant churches in Madagascar?" My hypothesis is that the revival of Rainisoalambo made a major contribution to the indigenization of churches in Madagascar. Since "indigenization" is mainly the key word to be understood for this research, this study adopts a theoretical framework, which is informed by concept of cultural translation and phenomenological approach. Since this research uses a historical perspective, it is important to practice the historical methodology: data collection for primary and secondary sources, potential oral interviews, criticism of data through assessing the genuineness of information sources and the presentation of information in accurate and readable form. The analytical approach is adopted in this theoretical framework. In spite of times, the majority of data collected will be enough to accomplish this work. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

The research investigates whether it is appropriate, practically and theologically, to think of the United Church of Christ in Chipinge, Zimbabwe as a community as set in the struggle against poverty. A number of key questions were asked and explored concerning the context of poverty in Chipinge, the theological grounds for understanding itself as a community asset in the struggle against poverty in Chipinge, and whether the 'asset portfolio' can actually contribute to the eradication of poverty. The thesis is rooted in a contemporary development approach known as Asset Based Community Development which argues that sustainable community life is built on what exists in a community rather than what is lacking. The theory and its relevance are explored in the thesis. Further, drawing on contemporary thinking about missiology and ecclesiology, the thesis argues whether the Church should understand itself as a 'community asset'. This leads to the use of the metaphor taken from Matthew 5: 13, where the people of God are called to be ' the salt of the earth' who would draw others together into a living relationship with God. It is argued that being the salt of the earth requires the Church to take faith into action through utilizing the God given gifts which are available in the Church and Chipinge community. Through a key informant survey of the pastors from seventeen UCC Churches in Chipinge. the thesis demonstrates that the United Church of Christ (UCC) in Chipinge, Zimbabwe, has a range of assets, or what we could call an "asset portfolio" which can and should contribute to the struggle against poverty in the region. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

In this regional study of Methodist development and societal influence throughout the period of industrialisation, recent trends in Methodist historiography at a national level are combined with the research and source material accumulated at a local level, to provide a detailed analysis of Methodist growth in Cornwall between the years 1780 and 1870. The thesis is divided loosely into three sections. In the first, four chapters outline the essential background to interpretative analysis by considering, in turn, recent historiographical developments in Methodist studies; social change in Cornwall during industrialisation; the performance of the Anglican Church in the county as represented in the Visitation Returns for 1779, (as well as historical and structural reasons for its 'failure'); and Methodist growth as expressed through available statistical indices, especially the date of formation of Methodist societies, and the 1851 Ecclesiastical Census. In the second section, one long chapter is devoted to an in-depth, county-wide analysis of Methodist growth, which considers the impact of external factors, particularly socio-economic, and internal circumstances, such as the degree of maturity of pastoral and administrative machinery, and the level of Connexional or lay control over chapel and circuit affairs, on the form and function of Methodism in nine distinct socioeconomic regions within the county. In the third section, four chapters concentrate on West Cornwall, where Methodism was strongest, in order to examine the roots of, and reasons for, the distinctively indigenous form of Methodism which developed there. On the one hand, the pastoral and administrative difficulties in exerting adequate Connexional control are considered; while on the other, an interpretation of the 'folk' functionality of revivals and of Methodism as a 'popular religion' is offered.

In 1945, many parts of Germany lay in rubble and there was a Zeitgeist of exhaustion, apathy, frustration and, in places, shame. German society was disorientated and the Catholic and Protestant churches were the only surviving mass institutions that remained relatively independent from the former Nazi State. Allowed a general religious freedom by the occupying forces, the churches provided the German population with important spiritual and material support that established their vital post-war role in society. The churches enjoyed widespread popular support and, in October 1946, over 90 percent of the population in the Soviet zone (SBZ) claimed membership in either confession. This thesis is a social history that examines the position of the churches in Thuringia, as a case study, between 1945 and 1948 and aims to evaluate their social and moral influence on the population. It seeks to readdress the considerable dearth of historiographical attention given to the role of the churches in people's everyday lives. In summary, despite a general religious revival in 1945, the popularity of the churches was both short-lived and superficial. Although the churches were industrious in attempting to provide for everybody, the acute destitution encountered by the Thuringian population in 1945 was a chronic problem that undermined the authority of the churches. This was revealed in the inability of the churches to influence faith communities to regularly attend church, to welcome refugees and to feel some responsibility for the Nazi past. Meanwhile, by 1948, the dominant political party, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), had tightened its control over social life in the SBZ. Instead of heeding the voice and dictates of the churches, the population fell into an ideological apathy that favoured the SED, despite the party's own widespread unpopularity. The result was the almost unchallenged, increasing power of socialism in the SBZ that ultimately led to the establishment of the German Democratic Republic under the aegis of the SED with the churches' acquiescence.

Thesis (M.A. (Church and Dogma History))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.