<p>In the New Testament different pictures of a Christian woman are presented, not only thepicture of someone who is nursing and caring, but also the picture of someone who is learningand being educated.Women are put into systems of gender which form them, and throughout the years the pictureof women has been that they primarily should be caring and nursing, not learning.Both of these pictures exist within the Swedish Missionary Society, a society that has not hadany constitution to comply with until 1964, which meant that each person could make his owninterpretation of the Bible and its texts.This essay examines how fifty-year-old women are pictured within the Swedish MissionarySociety 1945-1970, assuming that women who want to serve Jesus have to be prepared togive up their traditional role of nursing and caring, and focus on learning instead.The research method is qualitative, and the written sources are from a regional Christianweekly publication. The essay does not present an unambiguous picture of fifty-year-oldnonconformist women, but the results show that they are not being related to children, that themajority has a higher education than elementary school, and that many of them are addressedto as “Mrs”.</p>

Wallfahrten und Pilgerreisen, allgemein der religiös motivierte Tourismus erfreut sich in Europa heute aus unterschiedlichen Motiven wachsender Zustimmung. Die Motivation hierzu wurzelt letztendlich im Bereich der religiösen Emotionalität. Untersucht wird diese Form spiritueller Orientierung in der religiösen Gegenwartskultur auch in seiner Auswirkung auf die religiösen Institutionen. Die Möglichkeit zu religiös motiviertem Reisen kommt dem Bedürfnis nach mehr Religiosität entgegen, ohne daß der Pilgertourist gezwungen ist, sich längerfristig an kirchliche Strukturen binden zu müssen. Der christliche Religionstourismus ist ein bedeutender Globalisierungsfaktor und zahlenmäßig die größte Mobilisierung von Religion.

In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17th century, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland. To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this. People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north. My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved. A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village. Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases. Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives. The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed. / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

Project (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1986. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-82).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 531-561). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity International University, 2001. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-224).

This is a study of American Methodist Mission in Sweden and how this mission eventually formed the Methodist Church in Sweden 1876. The mission began as a consequence of returning Swedish emigrants and sailors who had encountered Methodism in America, mainly through the works of Swedish-American missionary Olof Gustaf Hedström on the Bethel ship in New York. During the 1850’s Methodist missionaries were sent to Scandinavia by the American Missions Society. The first to come to Sweden was Johan Peter Larsson, who spent two years in Sweden in 1854 before he was transferred to Norway. He returned in 1865 and was followed by a number of missionaries during the next years. Most important of these were Victor Witting who arrived in Gothenburg at the end of 1867. During 1868 the first congregations and a national association for missionaries were formed. The bylaws of the association for missionaries relates to the section in Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church about The Annual Conference. Methodist mission expanded fast in Sweden, at first along the coasts, and during the 1870’s equally fast on land. Up to the forming of a church in 1876 the mission never expanded further north than Orsa. The establishment of the Methodist Church in Sweden shares a lot of similarities with the development in Denmark, Finland and Norway. The expansion in Sweden was faster compared to the other countries. One reason for this was the large amount of missionaries that were sent to Sweden. All four churches formed according to new religious legislation and were the first to do so in all four countries.

Over the last fifty years or so, historians have largely neglected Gilbert Foliot, the man who was Bishop of London during the 1160s and 1170s, as representative of any larger theoretical position, dismissing his famous polemic letter Multiplicem nobis as the product of envy and thwarted ambition. In this dissertation I argue that Gilbert Foliot was neither out of step with the attitudes of his contemporaries nor driven blindly by anger and envy. Rather, his position was the result of legal training combined with his experience as a cleric in the tumultuous years of twelfth century England. Foliot’s legal training inculcated in him a political theory stressing a bifurcated authority structure in which the clerical and lay “swords” would be drawn to complement one another, but were at the same time necessarily separate and independent. Thus he believed that the Church’s success in its goal of saving souls was reliant on the goodwill and protection of an effective and powerful king. During the Anarchy of King Stephen’s reign, Foliot urged his clerical brethren to unleash the sword of excommunication against barons who committed crimes, and he was frustrated by the lack of coercive power he felt King Stephen ought to have exercised over the rebellious knights who terrorized the countryside. Later, during the reign of Henry II, Foliot feared that the archbishop’s new insistence on clerical superiority would limit the king’s lawful coercive power, while pushing the king to work against the Church rather than with it. Foliot, the jurist, found the archbishop’s argument not only ill-advised, but legally illegitimate and dangerous. Thus Foliot’s diatribe in Multiplicem should be understood not simply as a moment of anger, but as representative of a valid strain of thought in the English clergy, and that the attitude toward the crown on the part of churchmen was more dynamic than historians have recognized. / text

No description available.

No description available.