<p>In May 1675, the local court in the northern Swedish parish of <em>Nordingrå</em>, which had approximately 1,000 inhabitants, held a preliminary investigation on 113 persons accused of witch-craft and superstition. For the majority of the 113, the main accusation was to have travelled to <em>Blåkulla</em>, a place where witches according to Swedish folklore participated in satanic festivities and rites led by the Devil himself. The preliminary investigation was held at the request of The Royal Witch-craft Commission. Nordingrå belonged to the province of <em>Ångermanland</em>, one of the Swedish provinces with the highest number of witch trials in the 1670s. The trials in Nordingrå have, more or less never been examined before, mainly due to the fact that no sentences or penalties were ever imposed.</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to examine social relations and social conflicts in Nordingrå with the records from the witch trial 1675 as the primary source. The theoretical background for the paper is Emmanuel Le Roy Laduries study of the Occitan village of Montaillou along with Hannah Arendts theory on the banality of evil.</p><p>One of the paper´s main conclusion is that the relations of power can be traced in the trials, but that they, on the other hand, become less significant the further the trials go. One reasonable interpretation of this fact is that the trials in Nordingrå reflects the tendence of juridical centralization in the 17th century.</p><p>The social conflicts in the parish are more obvious in the accusations of superstitions than in the accusations of travels to<em> Blåkulla</em>. For example the conclusion can be drawn that at least a number of inhabitants in Nordingrå had a religion on their own, which did not always match the orthodoxy of the Protestant church. At the same time the accusations of superstition do not play a particularly important role in the trials. The main impression of the trials is, on the contrary, that they do not follow a given pattern regarding who can be put on trial, except for the fact that most of the trialed were women. Against the accused, a number of at least 173 witnesses appeared, most of them children and young people under the age of 24. The witnesses in general did not only tell the court which crimes the accused witches had committed, but also which crimes they had committed themselves.</p>

Häxor i periferin. Trolldomsprocesser i Småland 1604-1619. Uppsatsen undersöker de tidiga trolldomsprocesserna i Småland. Det är en kvalitativ fallstudie som undersöker rättspraxis med en genusteoretisk utgångspunkt, under perioden 1604-1619. Studien analyserar sjutton fall av trolldom samt de nyare rättsbruken vilket kompletteras med en omfattande kontextbeskrivning. Teorin grundar sig i Yvonne Hirdmans genussystem med de två bärande logikerna dikotomi och hierarki, samt en tredje logik om rangordning inom könen. I teorin kan man även finna ett struktur- och aktörsperspektiv. Syftet med studien är att undersöka trolldomsprocesser så som de tog sig uttryck i ett perifert område under tidigt 1600-tal. Studien är uppbyggd kring tre frågeställningar: - Vad ansågs utgöra de specifika brotten i trolldomsmålen? - Vilka var aktörerna som agerade inför rätten (svarande, kärande samt vittnen) och vad kännetecknar dem utifrån kategorier som ålder, social ställning, civilstånd, kön etc.? - Vilka genusuppfattningar ger de agerande i rätten (svarande, kärande, vittnen samt den dömande instansen) i trolldomsprocesserna? Specificeringen av brotten är kategoriserade i rykte om trolldom, vidskepelse, signeri och lövjeri samt förgörning. Studien visar att de flesta som är anklagade för trolldom är kvinnor, det konstateras dock att män oftare än kvinnor är aktörer på tinget genom att vara de som anklagar, företräder och vittnar. Rättsfallen visar en tydig hierarki där mannen är överordnad kvinnan, vilket även visar på en dikotomisering, där manligt och kvinnligt hålls isär. Kvinnan beskrivs sällan som en egen individ i rättsprotokollen utan har benämningar som någons hustru. Rangordningen inom det egna könet blir också tydlig i männens fall, då präster och äldre män tenderar att ha mer inflytande. Samt i kvinnornas fall genom att det skrivs om dannekvinnor, rediga och ärbara, i motsats till de trollkunniga.

<p>Häxor i periferin. Trolldomsprocesser i Småland 1604-1619.</p><p>Uppsatsen undersöker de tidiga trolldomsprocesserna i Småland. Det är en kvalitativ fallstudie som undersöker rättspraxis med en genusteoretisk utgångspunkt, under perioden 1604-1619.</p><p>Studien analyserar sjutton fall av trolldom samt de nyare rättsbruken vilket kompletteras med en omfattande kontextbeskrivning.</p><p>Teorin grundar sig i Yvonne Hirdmans genussystem med de två bärande logikerna dikotomi och hierarki, samt en tredje logik om rangordning inom könen. I teorin kan man även finna ett struktur- och aktörsperspektiv.</p><p>Syftet med studien är att undersöka trolldomsprocesser så som de tog sig uttryck i ett perifert område under tidigt 1600-tal.</p><p>Studien är uppbyggd kring tre frågeställningar:</p><p>- Vad ansågs utgöra de specifika brotten i trolldomsmålen?</p><p>- Vilka var aktörerna som agerade inför rätten (svarande, kärande samt vittnen) och vad kännetecknar dem utifrån kategorier som ålder, social ställning, civilstånd, kön etc.?</p><p>- Vilka genusuppfattningar ger de agerande i rätten (svarande, kärande, vittnen samt den dömande instansen) i trolldomsprocesserna?</p><p>Specificeringen av brotten är kategoriserade i rykte om trolldom, vidskepelse, signeri och lövjeri samt förgörning. Studien visar att de flesta som är anklagade för trolldom är kvinnor, det konstateras dock att män oftare än kvinnor är aktörer på tinget genom att vara</p><p>de som anklagar, företräder och vittnar. Rättsfallen visar en tydig hierarki där mannen är överordnad kvinnan, vilket även visar på en dikotomisering, där manligt och kvinnligt hålls isär. Kvinnan beskrivs sällan som en egen individ i rättsprotokollen utan har</p><p>benämningar som någons hustru. Rangordningen inom det egna könet blir också tydlig i männens fall, då präster och äldre män tenderar att ha mer inflytande. Samt i kvinnornas fall genom att det skrivs om dannekvinnor, rediga och ärbara, i motsats till de trollkunniga.</p>

In May 1675, the local court in the northern Swedish parish of Nordingrå, which had approximately 1,000 inhabitants, held a preliminary investigation on 113 persons accused of witch-craft and superstition. For the majority of the 113, the main accusation was to have travelled to Blåkulla, a place where witches according to Swedish folklore participated in satanic festivities and rites led by the Devil himself. The preliminary investigation was held at the request of The Royal Witch-craft Commission. Nordingrå belonged to the province of Ångermanland, one of the Swedish provinces with the highest number of witch trials in the 1670s. The trials in Nordingrå have, more or less never been examined before, mainly due to the fact that no sentences or penalties were ever imposed. The purpose of this paper is to examine social relations and social conflicts in Nordingrå with the records from the witch trial 1675 as the primary source. The theoretical background for the paper is Emmanuel Le Roy Laduries study of the Occitan village of Montaillou along with Hannah Arendts theory on the banality of evil. One of the paper´s main conclusion is that the relations of power can be traced in the trials, but that they, on the other hand, become less significant the further the trials go. One reasonable interpretation of this fact is that the trials in Nordingrå reflects the tendence of juridical centralization in the 17th century. The social conflicts in the parish are more obvious in the accusations of superstitions than in the accusations of travels to Blåkulla. For example the conclusion can be drawn that at least a number of inhabitants in Nordingrå had a religion on their own, which did not always match the orthodoxy of the Protestant church. At the same time the accusations of superstition do not play a particularly important role in the trials. The main impression of the trials is, on the contrary, that they do not follow a given pattern regarding who can be put on trial, except for the fact that most of the trialed were women. Against the accused, a number of at least 173 witnesses appeared, most of them children and young people under the age of 24. The witnesses in general did not only tell the court which crimes the accused witches had committed, but also which crimes they had committed themselves.

No description available.

År 1100 var Sverige ett kristet land, i alla fall till namnet, men det skulle dröja ytterligare nära 700 år innan de svenska samerna helt övergett sin gamla tro och gått över till den kristna läran. Religionsskiftet skedde långsamt, och även om många samer döpte sig redan under medeltiden är det först under 1600-talet som man på allvar kan se hur den gamla samiska religionen försvinner till förmån för kristendomen. Denna uppsats syftar till att utöka förståelsen för hur detta religionsskifte gick till och hur detta upplevdes av de berörda samerna själva. Genom att analysera protokoll ifrån lappmarkens domböcker rörande religionsbrott (så kallade "trolldomsrannsakningar") har jag undersökt hur de åtalade samerna själva uppfattade sina brott och hur de försvarar sig själva inför rätten, samt hur stark kristendomens ställning var bland den samiska befolkningen under denna period. Jag har även strävat efter att få en tydligare bild av vilka dessa personer var, och om detta svarar mot den gängse uppfattningen om att de åtalade i regel var nåjder. Genom en kvalitativ hermeneutisk metod har jag kommit fram till att den gamla samiska tron under skiftet mellan 1600- och 1700-tal fortfarande var relativt stark i stora delar av de svenska lappmarkerna, och min undersökning visar också att det var i de södra lappmarkerna som den gamla tron levde kvar längst. Jag har också dragit slutsatsen att den svenska kyrkan var relativt tolerant mot religionsbrott hos samerna fram till år 1689 då missionsverksamheten gick in i ett nytt skede. Jag kan också konstatera att det inte finns någon homogenitet hos de åtalade samerna – ålder och social status varierar markant, och ingen av dem beskrivs som nåjder i källmaterialet / By the year 1100 Sweden was christianized, but the Sámi indigenous religion persisted among the Sámi people up until the mid 18th century. Up to the 17th century the efforts to convert the Sámi to Christianity was fairly weak, but increased pressure came after the protestant reformation. Death sentences could now be carried out for practicing the old religion. In this essay I have examined court protocols from trials regarding Sámi witchcraft, superstition and heresy during the period 1649-1739. I have analyzed the protocols in order to get a better understanding of how the religious change in this area came about, and how the Sámi people themselves regarded their crimes and their religious belief. I have also tried to find out how deeply rooted Christianity really was within in the Sámi community and in the Sámi area (Sápmi) during this period. It is commonly believed, that it was mainly the Sámi shaman (the noaide) who was charged and sentenced in these witchcraft trials and I have examined whether or not this really was the case by looking for common denominators and characteristics among the people on trial. By using a qualitative hermeneutical method in analyzing these documents I have learned that Christianity was not very deeply rooted in the Sámi community during this period and it is clear that it was in the southern parts of Sápmi that the old religion persisted the longest. I have also come to the conclusion, that the Swedish church was fairly tolerant towards the Sámi practising the old religion up to the year 1689, when the policy changed prominently. As for common denominators, the accused are all male and none of them are referred to as a noaide in the protocols. It is in this discovery I claim to bring something new to this subject field.

This thesis is meant to study 17th century courts and their actions at three locations. These locations include Salem in Massachusetts, Livonia during the Swedish rule and Ångermanland in Sweden. The focus cases will include witchcraft, more specifically maleficium which is the form of witchcraft that contemporaries’ often believed could hurt people physically. The thesis will also include a comparison of the three chosen locations which will take part in the discussion. There I will compare the view witchcraft, laws and how the religion played a part. In order to do this study I have gathered books that includes the legal documents from Salem, court cases from Livonia and literature that handles the history of the locations. My findings have shown that the three areas are in general very similar, despite being far apart. People view witches similarly and the courts act thereafter. The laws tend to favor the death penalty although it’s not always used.

<p>In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17^thcentury, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland.</p><p>To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this.</p><p>People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north.</p><p>My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17^th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved.</p><p>A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village.</p><p>Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases.</p><p>Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives.</p><p>The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed.</p> / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17th century, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland. To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this. People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north. My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved. A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village. Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases. Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives. The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed. / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

Den folkliga läkekonsten och svartkonsten ingår i det immateriella kulturarvet, d.v.s. kulturarv som inte kan representeras av konkreta ting. Tryggandet av det immateriella kulturarvet handlar om mänskliga rättigheter, representation samt att få en koppling mellan dåtiden och nutiden. Folkminnen om läkekonsten innehåller både observationer av praktiserandet, men även samlingar av sägner som har förts vidare genom det muntliga berättandet. Rollspel som bordsrollspel ingår i nutida formen av muntliga berättandet. I det här arbetet undersöks hur bordsrollspel kan användas som ett verktyg för kulturarvsarbete och för att levandegöra folkminnen om den nordiska, folkliga läkekonsten och svartkonsten. Ett bordsrollspel utvecklades som en artefakt, där en guidebok, karaktärsformulär samt svartkonstbok ingick. Artefakten speltestades på en grupp av fem informanter som fick spela ett kort äventyr i en observation. Observationen triangulerades med en semistrukturerad gruppintervju. Slutsatsen var att framförallt bordsrollspelets estetik omslöt spelarna i en fiktiv imitation av folkminnet. Det muntliga berättandet i bordsrollspelet skapade en sägen om de kloka i rollspelets fiktiva värld och mellan gruppmedlemmarna. För att deltagarna skulle kunna reflektera över kulturarvet, visade det sig att det var viktigt med ett gruppsamtal efter spelsessionen. Bordsrollspelet gav spelarna en koppling mellan dåtiden och nutiden, vilket är ett av målen för tryggandet av det immateriella kulturarvet.