<p>In May 1675, the local court in the northern Swedish parish of <em>Nordingrå</em>, which had approximately 1,000 inhabitants, held a preliminary investigation on 113 persons accused of witch-craft and superstition. For the majority of the 113, the main accusation was to have travelled to <em>Blåkulla</em>, a place where witches according to Swedish folklore participated in satanic festivities and rites led by the Devil himself. The preliminary investigation was held at the request of The Royal Witch-craft Commission. Nordingrå belonged to the province of <em>Ångermanland</em>, one of the Swedish provinces with the highest number of witch trials in the 1670s. The trials in Nordingrå have, more or less never been examined before, mainly due to the fact that no sentences or penalties were ever imposed.</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to examine social relations and social conflicts in Nordingrå with the records from the witch trial 1675 as the primary source. The theoretical background for the paper is Emmanuel Le Roy Laduries study of the Occitan village of Montaillou along with Hannah Arendts theory on the banality of evil.</p><p>One of the paper´s main conclusion is that the relations of power can be traced in the trials, but that they, on the other hand, become less significant the further the trials go. One reasonable interpretation of this fact is that the trials in Nordingrå reflects the tendence of juridical centralization in the 17th century.</p><p>The social conflicts in the parish are more obvious in the accusations of superstitions than in the accusations of travels to<em> Blåkulla</em>. For example the conclusion can be drawn that at least a number of inhabitants in Nordingrå had a religion on their own, which did not always match the orthodoxy of the Protestant church. At the same time the accusations of superstition do not play a particularly important role in the trials. The main impression of the trials is, on the contrary, that they do not follow a given pattern regarding who can be put on trial, except for the fact that most of the trialed were women. Against the accused, a number of at least 173 witnesses appeared, most of them children and young people under the age of 24. The witnesses in general did not only tell the court which crimes the accused witches had committed, but also which crimes they had committed themselves.</p>

Häxor i periferin. Trolldomsprocesser i Småland 1604-1619. Uppsatsen undersöker de tidiga trolldomsprocesserna i Småland. Det är en kvalitativ fallstudie som undersöker rättspraxis med en genusteoretisk utgångspunkt, under perioden 1604-1619. Studien analyserar sjutton fall av trolldom samt de nyare rättsbruken vilket kompletteras med en omfattande kontextbeskrivning. Teorin grundar sig i Yvonne Hirdmans genussystem med de två bärande logikerna dikotomi och hierarki, samt en tredje logik om rangordning inom könen. I teorin kan man även finna ett struktur- och aktörsperspektiv. Syftet med studien är att undersöka trolldomsprocesser så som de tog sig uttryck i ett perifert område under tidigt 1600-tal. Studien är uppbyggd kring tre frågeställningar: - Vad ansågs utgöra de specifika brotten i trolldomsmålen? - Vilka var aktörerna som agerade inför rätten (svarande, kärande samt vittnen) och vad kännetecknar dem utifrån kategorier som ålder, social ställning, civilstånd, kön etc.? - Vilka genusuppfattningar ger de agerande i rätten (svarande, kärande, vittnen samt den dömande instansen) i trolldomsprocesserna? Specificeringen av brotten är kategoriserade i rykte om trolldom, vidskepelse, signeri och lövjeri samt förgörning. Studien visar att de flesta som är anklagade för trolldom är kvinnor, det konstateras dock att män oftare än kvinnor är aktörer på tinget genom att vara de som anklagar, företräder och vittnar. Rättsfallen visar en tydig hierarki där mannen är överordnad kvinnan, vilket även visar på en dikotomisering, där manligt och kvinnligt hålls isär. Kvinnan beskrivs sällan som en egen individ i rättsprotokollen utan har benämningar som någons hustru. Rangordningen inom det egna könet blir också tydlig i männens fall, då präster och äldre män tenderar att ha mer inflytande. Samt i kvinnornas fall genom att det skrivs om dannekvinnor, rediga och ärbara, i motsats till de trollkunniga.

<p>Häxor i periferin. Trolldomsprocesser i Småland 1604-1619.</p><p>Uppsatsen undersöker de tidiga trolldomsprocesserna i Småland. Det är en kvalitativ fallstudie som undersöker rättspraxis med en genusteoretisk utgångspunkt, under perioden 1604-1619.</p><p>Studien analyserar sjutton fall av trolldom samt de nyare rättsbruken vilket kompletteras med en omfattande kontextbeskrivning.</p><p>Teorin grundar sig i Yvonne Hirdmans genussystem med de två bärande logikerna dikotomi och hierarki, samt en tredje logik om rangordning inom könen. I teorin kan man även finna ett struktur- och aktörsperspektiv.</p><p>Syftet med studien är att undersöka trolldomsprocesser så som de tog sig uttryck i ett perifert område under tidigt 1600-tal.</p><p>Studien är uppbyggd kring tre frågeställningar:</p><p>- Vad ansågs utgöra de specifika brotten i trolldomsmålen?</p><p>- Vilka var aktörerna som agerade inför rätten (svarande, kärande samt vittnen) och vad kännetecknar dem utifrån kategorier som ålder, social ställning, civilstånd, kön etc.?</p><p>- Vilka genusuppfattningar ger de agerande i rätten (svarande, kärande, vittnen samt den dömande instansen) i trolldomsprocesserna?</p><p>Specificeringen av brotten är kategoriserade i rykte om trolldom, vidskepelse, signeri och lövjeri samt förgörning. Studien visar att de flesta som är anklagade för trolldom är kvinnor, det konstateras dock att män oftare än kvinnor är aktörer på tinget genom att vara</p><p>de som anklagar, företräder och vittnar. Rättsfallen visar en tydig hierarki där mannen är överordnad kvinnan, vilket även visar på en dikotomisering, där manligt och kvinnligt hålls isär. Kvinnan beskrivs sällan som en egen individ i rättsprotokollen utan har</p><p>benämningar som någons hustru. Rangordningen inom det egna könet blir också tydlig i männens fall, då präster och äldre män tenderar att ha mer inflytande. Samt i kvinnornas fall genom att det skrivs om dannekvinnor, rediga och ärbara, i motsats till de trollkunniga.</p>

In May 1675, the local court in the northern Swedish parish of Nordingrå, which had approximately 1,000 inhabitants, held a preliminary investigation on 113 persons accused of witch-craft and superstition. For the majority of the 113, the main accusation was to have travelled to Blåkulla, a place where witches according to Swedish folklore participated in satanic festivities and rites led by the Devil himself. The preliminary investigation was held at the request of The Royal Witch-craft Commission. Nordingrå belonged to the province of Ångermanland, one of the Swedish provinces with the highest number of witch trials in the 1670s. The trials in Nordingrå have, more or less never been examined before, mainly due to the fact that no sentences or penalties were ever imposed. The purpose of this paper is to examine social relations and social conflicts in Nordingrå with the records from the witch trial 1675 as the primary source. The theoretical background for the paper is Emmanuel Le Roy Laduries study of the Occitan village of Montaillou along with Hannah Arendts theory on the banality of evil. One of the paper´s main conclusion is that the relations of power can be traced in the trials, but that they, on the other hand, become less significant the further the trials go. One reasonable interpretation of this fact is that the trials in Nordingrå reflects the tendence of juridical centralization in the 17th century. The social conflicts in the parish are more obvious in the accusations of superstitions than in the accusations of travels to Blåkulla. For example the conclusion can be drawn that at least a number of inhabitants in Nordingrå had a religion on their own, which did not always match the orthodoxy of the Protestant church. At the same time the accusations of superstition do not play a particularly important role in the trials. The main impression of the trials is, on the contrary, that they do not follow a given pattern regarding who can be put on trial, except for the fact that most of the trialed were women. Against the accused, a number of at least 173 witnesses appeared, most of them children and young people under the age of 24. The witnesses in general did not only tell the court which crimes the accused witches had committed, but also which crimes they had committed themselves.

<p>In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17^thcentury, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland.</p><p>To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this.</p><p>People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north.</p><p>My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17^th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved.</p><p>A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village.</p><p>Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases.</p><p>Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives.</p><p>The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed.</p> / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

No description available.

In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17th century, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland. To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this. People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north. My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved. A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village. Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases. Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives. The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed. / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

The purpose of this essay is to explore actions of the representatives of the church during the first of the trials of what later developed to the great swedish witch-hunts between the years 1668–1676. The method of this study is microhistorical, where you look at local events that then can be applied on a bigger scale. The theoretical ideas applied are Michel Foucault theories of a society at war, and the dynamics between central power and peripheral power in that kind of situation. By applying these theories, the relations between central juridical directives and the enforcement of these in a local place can be studied. The main subject of interest for this essay is clerical representative Lars P. Elvius, who, during the trials, were the one responsible and the one the rest of the court relied on for interpreting the crimes of witchcraft, maleficum and other crimes of supernatural art. By looking at the directives and laws concerning witchcraft, how he interpreted the testimonies of the accused and what kind of verdict was given at the end of the trial, the relationship between central directives and peripheral enforcement is made clear. This study is part chronological and part thematic; the directives and laws presented first, followed by the interpretation during the trial categorized thematically, with correlating testimony and crime, and finally the verdict at the end of the trial.

<p>Den här uppsatsen handlar om trolldomsprocesserna på 1670-talet. Fokus ligger på barvittnenas vittnesmål om deras färder till Blåkulla och vistelsen där.</p><p>Avsikten är att utifrån dessa berättelser skapa en bild inte bara utav barnens situation utan också familjens. Jag använder mig av fenomenologiska metoder. Hypotesen är att konflikter också kan uppstå och finna grogrund i nära förhållanden om rätt förutsättningar finnes.</p><p>I min undersökning använder jag material, i form av, protokoll, från domstolar i Dalarna, Ångermanland, Västerbotten och Gästrikland. Undersökningen är därmed begränsad till det svenska riket.</p><p>Vittnesmålen var ofta stereotypa och likartade till sin karaktär även om det finns viss diskontinuitet. Berättelserna om Blåkulla visar på en kluven, otrygg, värld där folklig tro blandas med kyrklig. Det kluvna förhållandet visar på svårigheter för barnen. Deras berättelser blev emellertid ett led i en orsakskedja som fick förödande konsekvenser för många samhällsinvånare. Detta inte bara genom det fysiska våld som följde med häxprocesserna utan förmodligen också p g a att det var traumatiska barnupplevelser där en oförstående omgivning inte kunde styra det i rätt riktning.</p>

Extensive witchcraft trials took place in Sweden between the years 1668 and 1676. Approximately three hundred individuals were executed during a period of very few years. However, far more common were trials of a more modest nature, concerning minor magic and malevolent witchcraft without aspects of diabolism. The present dissertation deals with these minor cases, which have previously attracted very little academic interest. The source material for this study comprises 353 cases (involving 880 individuals), submitted to the Göta Royal Superior Court by informants during the period 1635-1754. The area of jurisdiction covered by the Göta Royal Superior Court embraced the southernmost areas of Sweden. This study discusses witchcraft and magic trials from three perspectives: 1. The elite perspective (the acculturation model); 2. The functionalistic conflict perspective; and 3. The systems-oriented perspective of popular magic. Ideologically and religiously coloured perceptions of magic became more pervasive at the same time as the number of trials increased. This was caused by central administrative measures, which broadened the opportunities for pursuing cases on the local level. However, the increased influence of the dite cannot be characterized as a conquest of folk culture by the elite. It is more adequate to speak of a movement of repression, originating in a state become all the more civilized. Death sentences were few and far between and most of the cases concerned minor magic. There existed no independent popular level such as emerges in the reports from the proceedings of the trials. People clearly differentiated between different types of malevolent witchcraft when standing before the courts. They were more likely to go directly to trial when the signs preceding their misfortunes hinted at magical activity (viewed as sorcery), than they were when suspicions against witches were based on threats made in conflict situations. Witchcraft which had its basis in conflict situations appears to have been more dependent upon first receiving encouragement in the form of obliging courts, before people would take their cases to trial. This has created a pattern which ostensibly makes it seem that the level of social tensions was low, so that people therefore appeared indifferent toward malevolent witchcraft. Just as illusory is the competing image of an uninfluenced popular perception of witchcraft which actually emerges in the Göta Royal Superior Court. However, this does not mean that the actions of individuals was characterized by an assimilation of the values of the dominant culture. Receptivity to the signals of the elite was certainly clear, but at the same time the responses indicate a great deal of independence. Popular participation in witchcraft trials took place without any prerequisite profound cultural transformations. / digitalisering@umu