This dissertation explores why some Muslim clerics adopt the ideology of militant Jihad while others do not. I argue that clerics strategically adopt or reject Jihadi ideology because of career incentives generated by the structure of cleric educational networks. Well-connected clerics enjoy substantial success at pursuing comfortable careers within state-run religious institutions and they reject Jihadi ideology in exchange for continued material support from the state. Clerics with poor educational networks cannot rely on connections to advance through the state-run institutions, so many pursue careers outside of the system by appealing directly to lay audiences for support. These clerics are more likely to adopt Jihadi ideology because it helps them demonstrate to potential supporters that they have not been theologically coopted by political elites. I provide evidence of these dynamics by collecting and analyzing 27,142 fatwas, articles, and books written by 101 contemporary clerics. Using statistical natural language processing, I measure the extent to which each cleric adopts Jihadi ideology in their writing. I combine this with biographical and network information about each cleric to trace the process by which poorly-connected clerics become more likely to adopt Jihadi ideology. / Government

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There is little research about how clerics manage and lead small to midsized non-denominational nonprofit organizations. The rate of clergy failures in non-denominational organizations has left many questions about what is needed to create organizational success. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to explore the lived experiences and perceptions of clergy manager-leaders' management training in non-denominational organizations. Fourteen full-time clerics from Bloomingdale, Georgia, Rincon, Georgia, and Savannah, Georgia participated in face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The data analysis process involved the use of Edward and Welch's extension of Colaizzi's data analysis procedures, which resulted in the emergence of 4 themes. The themes included: (1) management education and training, (2) experiencing the call of God, and (3) servant leadership. There was common experiences and perceptions among clerics that there was a need for management training to improve workforce productivity, soft skills, and improve the performance of the organization to match the changes in their communities. The findings provide indications from clerics responses that organizational success is dependent upon clergy manager-leaders' effectiveness in their role as full-time clerics as perceived by the expectations of their members, followers, and community stakeholders. This study is significant in that its findings could promote awareness for the need of management training in non-denominational organizations. The potential implications for social change is an innovative work environment, organizational success, community and social responsibility.

The purpose of this essay is to explore actions of the representatives of the church during the first of the trials of what later developed to the great swedish witch-hunts between the years 1668–1676. The method of this study is microhistorical, where you look at local events that then can be applied on a bigger scale. The theoretical ideas applied are Michel Foucault theories of a society at war, and the dynamics between central power and peripheral power in that kind of situation. By applying these theories, the relations between central juridical directives and the enforcement of these in a local place can be studied. The main subject of interest for this essay is clerical representative Lars P. Elvius, who, during the trials, were the one responsible and the one the rest of the court relied on for interpreting the crimes of witchcraft, maleficum and other crimes of supernatural art. By looking at the directives and laws concerning witchcraft, how he interpreted the testimonies of the accused and what kind of verdict was given at the end of the trial, the relationship between central directives and peripheral enforcement is made clear. This study is part chronological and part thematic; the directives and laws presented first, followed by the interpretation during the trial categorized thematically, with correlating testimony and crime, and finally the verdict at the end of the trial.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate the lives of men and women living in London and Bury St. Edmunds in the late fourteenth - early fifteenth centuries. Sources studied include the administrative and legal records of the City of London and of the Abbot and Convent of St. Edmund's abbey; legislation and court records of royal government and the wills and testaments of Londoners and Bury St. Edmunds' inhabitants. Considerable research on a wide range of topics on London, but far less work on Bury St. Edmunds, has already been undertaken; however, this thesis is the first systematic comparative study of these two towns. The introduction discusses the historiography and purpose of the thesis; the methodology used, and the shortcomings of using medieval wills and the probate process. Chapter One discusses the testamentary jurisdiction in both towns; who was involved in the will making process, and the role that clerics played as both executors and scribes and how the church courts operated. Chapter Two focuses on testators' preparations for the afterlife, their choices concerning burial location, funeral arrangements and the provisions made for prayers for their souls. Chapter Three examines in detail their pious and charitable bequests and investigates what ‘good works' testators chose to support apart from ‘forgotten tithes'. The family and household relationships, including servants and apprentices, are examined in Chapter Four, exploring the differences in bequests made depending on the testators' marital status, together with evidence for close friendships and social networks. Chapter Five discusses the ownership and types of books referred to in wills and the inter-relationship between the donors and the recipients. Testators' literacy and the provision for education are also investigated.

De nombreux travaux tendent à prouver que les départements situés au coeur de la Gascogne (c’est-à-dire ceux du Gers, des Landes et du Lot-et-Garonne) n’ont pas à subir de fortes résistances contre la République entre 1870 et 1914. Un rapide examen du tableau politique de ces trois départements montre en effet que les électeurs adhèrent progressivement aux idées républicaines – bien que le rythme soit différent d’une zone à l’autre –, mais doit-on se satisfaire de généralités ? Une étude plus spécifique, confrontant les sources nationales aux sources régionales et utilisant des sources de diverses natures confirmera-t-elle ou, au contraire, nuancera-t-elle, voire infirmera-t-elle, ce schéma d’une Gascogne précocement républicaine et peu encline aux résistances venues tant des conservateurs que de l’extrême gauche ?La première partie, portant sur un état des lieux dans les années 1870, permet de montrer que les conservateurs, bien que divisés, sont encore puissants. Sont ainsi présentées les cultures politiques antirépublicaines en expliquant quels sont leurs moyens de lutte tels que la presse et les réseaux de sociabilité (cercles et sociétés). L’univers agricole est l’un des terrains de prédilection des droites, en particulier de la culture traditionaliste. Mais cette influence se traduit-elle lors des temps électoraux ? À partir de la décennie 1880, et c’est l’objet de la deuxième partie, à l’enracinement durable de la IIIe République répond cependant, dans un illusoire écho, le lent déclin des conservateurs. En Gascogne, de nombreuses personnalités continuent toutefois d’exercer une autorité politique et culturelle par le biais de diverses sociétés, par la presse et le mouvement félibréen. Les espoirs du rétablissement de la monarchie ou de l’Empire, sans s’éteindre, sont néanmoins fortement déçus et les crises nationales (le boulangisme, l’affaire Dreyfus, la tentative de coup d’État de Déroulède…) n’ébranlent pas l’ancrage républicain ; au contraire, elles le renforcent. N’empêche que, dans la période 1890/1914, les résistances à la République prennent d’autres formes et certaines structures, que l’on croyait en Gascogne jusqu’alors réservées aux années vingt, apparaissent déjà. Le paysage politique se recompose sous l’effet de l’évolution droitière du nationalisme, puis du Ralliement qui divise les droites. À cela, vient s’ajouter l’opposition de l’extrême gauche. D’autre part, les revendications culturelles liées au mouvement félibréen deviennent plus fortement politiques, et laGascogne est à son tour ébranlée par les idées de fédéralisme et de décentralisation qui constituent des outils dans les mains des droites afin de lutter contre le régime républicain. Le clergé continue de combattre les lois scolaires et mène une contre-offensive, souvent minimisée et pourtant réelle. / A considerable amount of studies tend to reach the same conclusion, namely that the Departments situated in the heartland of Gascony (the Gers, the Landes and the Lot-et-Garonne) offered little resistance to the Republican ideal between 1870 and 1914. What little resistance there was, was not enough to overthrow the Republic. A cursory examination of the political picture of the three departments shows that voters adhered progressively to Republican ideas; even if the rate at which this occurred varied from one area to another. But can we be satisfied with this general overview ? Is this confirmed by a more in-depth study comparing national and local figures ? Was Gascony really an early day Republic, little given to contestation either from conservatives or the extreme leftThe first part (which deals with the state of the nation in the 1870’s) shows that the conservatives, albeit divided, were still powerful. Their antirepublican faction was empowered through channels of the local press and regional societies. The agricultural faction is traditionally a right wing preserve but is this really translated into a right wing vote at elections ? As from the decade of the 1880’s, the IIIe Republic took root and at the same time the conservatives declined slowly. This is the subject of the second part. In Gascony, however, a number of local dignitaries continued to wield political and cultural power through societies, the press and the felibreen movement. Although hopes of restoring the Monarchy or the Empire were never completely extinguished, they were nevertheless sevenly dampened. National crises (the boulangism, the Dreyfus affair, the attempted coup d’Etat of Déroulède…) reinforced the Republic instead of overthrowing it. In the period from 1890 to 1914, forms of resistance to the Republic were put in place which are usually associated with the 1920’s. The right wing tendency in nationalism is at first reinforced and then the right wing is divided by the Ralliement. The extreme left makes itself felt more forcefully. Added to this the cultural revendications linked to the felibreen movement become more politically based and Gascony is gripped by federalist and decentralising ideas which are tools of the right against the Republican regime. Clerics continue to fight laws governing schools and lead a counter offensive which has often been minimised but is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with.

Tout au long du XIXe siècle et jusqu’au début du XXe siècle, des gens d’Église membres des communautés religieuses quittent la France pour rejoindre le Canada. Ils franchissent l’Océan Atlantique pour suivre la voie missionnaire, accomplir une carrière ecclésiastique et professionnelle, ou pour préserver une vocation religieuse menacée par la politique anticléricale d’un gouvernement. Ce phénomène particulier, négligé par l’histoire religieuse et l’histoire des migrations, alimente un système migratoire missionnaire transatlantique en marche depuis le début du XIXe siècle. À la croisée de plusieurs champs historiographiques, cette thèse propose l’étude de ce mouvement migratoire particulier, tant à l’échelle collective qu’individuelle, afin de comprendre la place qu’occupe le Canada dans le parcours migratoire des religieux français entre 1842 et 1914. / Throughout the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, Catholic community members of Roman Catholic religious orders left France to join Canada. They crossed the Atlantic Ocean to follow the call of missionary appeal, to pursue an ecclesiastical and professional career, or to save a religious vocation threatened by the anticlerical policy of the French government. This particular phenomenon, neglected in religious and migration history, fueled a transatlantic missionary migration system since the beginning of the nineteenth century. At the crossroads of several historiographical fields, this thesis addresses the study of this peculiar migratory movement, both at the collective and individual level, in order to understand the place occupied by Canada in the migratory path of French clerics between 1842 and 1914.

Selon le Code de droit canonique de 1983, actuellement en vigueur dans l’Église catholique latine (cc. 285-286 et 289.2), les clercs ne peuvent exercer des charges publiques comportant une participation à l’exercice du pouvoir civil. Pas davantage, ils ne peuvent remplir des charges séculières impliquant l’obligation de rendre des comptes, ni s’adonner à des opérations commerciales. Pour saisir le processus historique de l’élaboration de ces normes, il faut opérer un retour vers le droit ancien de l’Antiquité tardive puis du haut Moyen-Âge, non pour établir une continuité historique, d’ailleurs illusoire, entre cette lointaine époque et la nôtre, mais pour tenter de comprendre comment l’histoire est sous-jacente dans le droit canonique actuel. Dès 313, Constantin mit en place une politique religieuse où l’Église catholique fut l’objet d’une bienveillance particulière. Le trait le plus remarquable de la façon dont l’empereur intégra l’Église aux structures de l’État, fut la concession d’un statut juridique civil particulier fait de dispenses, de privilèges et particulièrement d’immunités personnelles, notamment des charges publiques (munera publica), qu’il consentit aux clercs catholiques. Après la chute de l’Empire romain, en Occident, ces immunités cléricales furent généralement maintenues par les rois romano-barbares. L’Église accueillit avec reconnaissance cette législation de la part du pouvoir temporel car ce statut juridique accordé aux clercs répondait à ses propres exigences pour le clergé. Concernant l’exercice des activités séculières autorisées aux clercs, comment, dès le début du IVe siècle, les législations canoniques et séculières se sont-elles développées, confrontées, affrontées parfois et relativement harmonisées finalement, pour former une doctrine largement répandue, semble-t-il, chez les clercs et les princes à la fin du IXe siècle ? / According to the 1983 canon law, in force at present in the Latin Catholic Church, clerics can’t exercise a public charge consisting of participation to the civil power. What’s more, neither can they carry out a secular function comprising the obligation to account for it, nor can they devote themselves to any commercial operation. In order to grasp the historical process of elaboration of such norms, one has to go back to the ancient law of the late Antiquity, then of the early Middle Ages. Not so much as to establish a historical continuity, rather illusory, between that distant period of time and our time, but to try understanding how history is underlying the current canon law. As early as 313, Constantin put in place a religious policy where the Catholic Church was treated with a particular benevolence, the most remarquable feature of the way the Emperor integrated the Church into the state organization, was to concede a unique legal civil status made of exemption, privilege and particularly of personal immunities, notably public charges (numera publica) granted to Catholics clerics. After the fall of the Roman Empire, in the west, these clerical immunities were generally maintained by the roman-barbaric kings. This legislation was received with gratitude by the Church because the legal status given to clerics corresponded its own requirements for the Clergy. Regarding the exercising of the secular activities granted to the clerics, how, from the beginning of the fourth century, the secular and canonical laws did develop, confronted, sometimes forced and more or less harmonized in the end, to form a widespread doctrine; it seems, among clerics and princes at the end of the ninth century?

La chanson de geste et le roman arthurien en prose aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles dépeignent un univers largement guerrier. Mais loin d’en donner une signification homogène, les œuvres narrent différents types de conflits, des plus terrestres aux plus spirituels, et font entendre des voix diverses – y compris celle du jongleur ou du narrateur – qui tantôt justifient la violence collective, tantôt la condamnent, selon des critères variables. Cette pensée complexe de la guerre s’éclaire lorsqu’on replace les discours littéraires au cœur d’un dialogue avec d’autres textes – surtout ecclésiastiques – concernant l’activité guerrière et sa légitimité : ainsi, la manière de concevoir le sens de la lutte, dans des fictions destinées en premier lieu à un public noble, puise dans des systèmes de valeurs parfois opposés mais aussi complémentaires, laïcs et cléricaux. L’enjeu des relations conflictuelles tel que l’expriment les récits dépend également de schémas d’organisation intellectuelle qui sous-tendent une représentation de l’ordre : la guerre est conçue positivement lorsqu’elle vise à défendre ou à établir une certaine organisation du monde et de la société, parfois fondée sur une exigence de continuité et d’unité du pouvoir, parfois au contraire nourrie par une aspiration à la totalité. En dernier lieu, la valeur de la lutte dépend de son rôle dans la destinée humaine, ce que l’épopée et le roman expriment chacun selon un régime d’historicité distinct : les discours de la guerre sont donc aussi fonction des spécificités poétiques des formes littéraires, de leur écriture de l’histoire, et de la façon dont elles organisent le temps. / 12th and 13th century chansons de gestes and prose Arthurian romances depict a largely warlike universe. But, far from giving an homogeneous interpretation of it, these works narrate different types of conflicts, from the more earthly to the more spiritual, and let diverse voices be heard – including that of the juggler or of the narrator – which sometimes justify collective violence, sometimes condemn it, according to different criteria. This complex view of war can be better understood if we place these literary discourses at the center of a dialogue with other kinds of texts – mainly ecclesiastical – about war and its legitimacy : thus, the way in which the meaning of fighting is conceived in fictions first of all destined to a noble audience is rooted in sets of values which are sometimes opposed but also complementary, lay and ecclesiastical. The stakes of the conflictual relationships as they are expressed in the narratives also depend on the intellectual constructions underlying a representation of order : war is conceived positively when its aim is to defend or to establish a certain organization of the world and of society, sometimes based on a requirement for continuity and unity of power, sometimes drawing on the contrary on an aspiration for totality. Finally, the value of the fight depends on its role in human destiny, which the epic and the romance each express according to a different regime of historicity : discourses about war thus depend on the poetic specificities of literary forms, on their writing of history, and on the way they organize time.