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The essential object of the thesis is to examine the demands made upon differing royalist leaders during the Great Civil War, and the responses of those communities to them. By doing so, it is intended to provide answers to one of the great unanswered problems of the war, the question of whether the royalists lost because they were defeated in the field or because they forfeited the sympathy of the local people upon whose support they depended. The region chosen for study comprises twenty counties within Wales, the Marches and the West Midlands, the area in which the king first gathered an army and in which his supporters staged their last stand. The first section traces the delivery and impact of the royalist Commissions Of Array, the raising of the royal field army and the slow organisation of local communities for a prolonged war in the winter that followed. The second describes the completion of this process with the appointment of peers as regional generals. The third section is devoted to describing the machinery of royalist wartime government and the problems it faced. The fourth recounts how the noble generals came to be replaced by nore experienced soldiers, led by Prince Rupert. The fifth examines the challenge offered to these men in the winter of 1644-5 by a now war-weary local population, and the manner in which the military men overcame this challenge. The last section is devoted to showing how the destruction of the royal army at Naseby freed the local population to oppose any further demands by the royalist war machine and thereby destroy the machine itself.

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No description available.

De nombreux travaux tendent à prouver que les départements situés au coeur de la Gascogne (c’est-à-dire ceux du Gers, des Landes et du Lot-et-Garonne) n’ont pas à subir de fortes résistances contre la République entre 1870 et 1914. Un rapide examen du tableau politique de ces trois départements montre en effet que les électeurs adhèrent progressivement aux idées républicaines – bien que le rythme soit différent d’une zone à l’autre –, mais doit-on se satisfaire de généralités ? Une étude plus spécifique, confrontant les sources nationales aux sources régionales et utilisant des sources de diverses natures confirmera-t-elle ou, au contraire, nuancera-t-elle, voire infirmera-t-elle, ce schéma d’une Gascogne précocement républicaine et peu encline aux résistances venues tant des conservateurs que de l’extrême gauche ?La première partie, portant sur un état des lieux dans les années 1870, permet de montrer que les conservateurs, bien que divisés, sont encore puissants. Sont ainsi présentées les cultures politiques antirépublicaines en expliquant quels sont leurs moyens de lutte tels que la presse et les réseaux de sociabilité (cercles et sociétés). L’univers agricole est l’un des terrains de prédilection des droites, en particulier de la culture traditionaliste. Mais cette influence se traduit-elle lors des temps électoraux ? À partir de la décennie 1880, et c’est l’objet de la deuxième partie, à l’enracinement durable de la IIIe République répond cependant, dans un illusoire écho, le lent déclin des conservateurs. En Gascogne, de nombreuses personnalités continuent toutefois d’exercer une autorité politique et culturelle par le biais de diverses sociétés, par la presse et le mouvement félibréen. Les espoirs du rétablissement de la monarchie ou de l’Empire, sans s’éteindre, sont néanmoins fortement déçus et les crises nationales (le boulangisme, l’affaire Dreyfus, la tentative de coup d’État de Déroulède…) n’ébranlent pas l’ancrage républicain ; au contraire, elles le renforcent. N’empêche que, dans la période 1890/1914, les résistances à la République prennent d’autres formes et certaines structures, que l’on croyait en Gascogne jusqu’alors réservées aux années vingt, apparaissent déjà. Le paysage politique se recompose sous l’effet de l’évolution droitière du nationalisme, puis du Ralliement qui divise les droites. À cela, vient s’ajouter l’opposition de l’extrême gauche. D’autre part, les revendications culturelles liées au mouvement félibréen deviennent plus fortement politiques, et laGascogne est à son tour ébranlée par les idées de fédéralisme et de décentralisation qui constituent des outils dans les mains des droites afin de lutter contre le régime républicain. Le clergé continue de combattre les lois scolaires et mène une contre-offensive, souvent minimisée et pourtant réelle. / A considerable amount of studies tend to reach the same conclusion, namely that the Departments situated in the heartland of Gascony (the Gers, the Landes and the Lot-et-Garonne) offered little resistance to the Republican ideal between 1870 and 1914. What little resistance there was, was not enough to overthrow the Republic. A cursory examination of the political picture of the three departments shows that voters adhered progressively to Republican ideas; even if the rate at which this occurred varied from one area to another. But can we be satisfied with this general overview ? Is this confirmed by a more in-depth study comparing national and local figures ? Was Gascony really an early day Republic, little given to contestation either from conservatives or the extreme leftThe first part (which deals with the state of the nation in the 1870’s) shows that the conservatives, albeit divided, were still powerful. Their antirepublican faction was empowered through channels of the local press and regional societies. The agricultural faction is traditionally a right wing preserve but is this really translated into a right wing vote at elections ? As from the decade of the 1880’s, the IIIe Republic took root and at the same time the conservatives declined slowly. This is the subject of the second part. In Gascony, however, a number of local dignitaries continued to wield political and cultural power through societies, the press and the felibreen movement. Although hopes of restoring the Monarchy or the Empire were never completely extinguished, they were nevertheless sevenly dampened. National crises (the boulangism, the Dreyfus affair, the attempted coup d’Etat of Déroulède…) reinforced the Republic instead of overthrowing it. In the period from 1890 to 1914, forms of resistance to the Republic were put in place which are usually associated with the 1920’s. The right wing tendency in nationalism is at first reinforced and then the right wing is divided by the Ralliement. The extreme left makes itself felt more forcefully. Added to this the cultural revendications linked to the felibreen movement become more politically based and Gascony is gripped by federalist and decentralising ideas which are tools of the right against the Republican regime. Clerics continue to fight laws governing schools and lead a counter offensive which has often been minimised but is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / The study investigates the issue of human rights on whether there can be a balance or relationship between monarchical rights and human rights in Southern Africa, paying particular attention to the small monarchical kingdom of Eswatini. The study seeks to examine how traditional monarchies in the 21st century treats the issue of human rights bearing in mind the fact that the current global system highly believes in upholding the fundamental freedoms and rights of the people. As a case study, this study seeks to examine the major reasons behind the Kingdom of Eswatini’s continued adherence to a monarchical system and also how the regional and international bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the United Nations (UN) are doing in terms of addressing the continued violation of human rights in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Qualitative research methodology will be employed to gather data. The research will contribute to the African studies discourse, especially on the nexus between monarchical rights and human rights. Volunteer sampling will be used to get participants for the study and would be drawn mainly from academics, local chiefs/political leaders and also some of the elderly citizens. / NRF