The constitutional division of powers in Canada assigns no authority to the federal state in the area of education. In spite of this, the Canadian state has used its constitutional authority to act in the national interest to justify substantial activity in public education at all levels. One area of particular interest to the state is the education of Canadian citizens. This thesis examines state policy in citizenship education between 1947 and 1982. It focuses on the Department of the Secretary of State, particularly the Canadian Citizenship Branch, and addresses three questions: 1) What conception of citizenship formed the basis for state policy in citizenship education? 2) How did the state formulate citizenship education policy? and 3) What means did the federal state use to implement citizenship education policy given that education is an area of provincial jurisdiction? Throughout this period the state was preoccupied with questions of national unity and therefore the focus of its policy in citizenship education was the construction and propagation of a national ideal in which all Canadians could find their identity as citizens. The policy was consistent with an elitist conception of citizenship in that it excluded most Canadians from the process of constructing the national identity and relegated citizen participation to largely apolitical voluntary activities. Although the Department of the Secretary of State was rhetorically committed to scientific policy making, the process was driven not by social science research but by attempts to secure and extend bureaucratic territory in relation to both other government departments and voluntary organizations working in the citizenship sector. In the complex interplay among the interested parties the Department was sometimes a leader and sometimes a follower in the policy making process. State citizenship education policy was implemented through official agreements with the provinces as well as more direct means which bypassed provincial authorities. Bilingualism in Education programs are the best example of the former, while training programs for teachers, the production and dissemination of materials, and attempts to use voluntary organizations as surrogates for the state are examples of the latter. / Education, Faculty of / Graduate

The purpose of this study is to determine whether students in Texas high schools are receiving adequate citizenship education, to see what factors are responsible for the present situation, and finally to search for possible improvements in civic education and possible solutions for specific problems.

After many years of teaching experience in a school where good citizenship prevailed among the students, it has been rather surprising recently to find that standards of conduct formerly observed are being disregarded. It has been noted that this is a rather general situation throughout the city and in other localities and not existing in just one school. The object of this study was to seek some of the causes back of the records of poor citizenship among pupils and make some definite plans for improvement. / Typescript. / "August, 1949." / "Submitted to the Graduate Council of Florida State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts under Plan II." / Advisor: W. Edwards, Professor Directing Paper. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 42-43).

Civic education is once again at the center of education policy debates. Over the past five years, policy reform has been enacted in 46 states and, with some exceptions, has consisted of states embracing two initiatives: the College, Career, and Civic Life Framework for Social Studies (C3) and the Civic Education Initiative (CEI). Both initiatives were born out of sustained advocacy efforts of nonprofit organizations responding to a perceived marginalization of civic education as state and national education policies became more narrowly focused on testing, math, and literacy. They offer competing visions of civic education with the C3 focusing on inquiry, skills, and dispositions and the CEI on content and testing. Both aim to enhance civic outcomes of students and come at a time of high polarization in American politics when many view civic education as a possible solution to the erosion of democratic ideals. The dissertation examines what, if anything, happened when these state mandates hit the local level. It mobilizes a theoretical framework based on policy feedback and a qualitative research design to analyze the implementation and sustainability of civic education policies in school districts in Utah and Connecticut. It finds that in both states implementation of the policies varied between and, in some cases within, the school districts, but policy sustainability was challenged only in Utah. The varied implementation outcomes are attributed primarily to how willing teachers were to implement the policies, while the varied sustainability outcomes stem from differences in policy design and that school districts in Utah were asked to respond to dual, conflicting mandates. The findings suggest that school districts operate in institutional contexts that leave them room to ignore or superficially respond to state mandates. The findings also suggest that teachers react differently to legislative initiatives than to those coming from state education officials with the former more likely to be seen as top-down mandates to be ignored or resisted. Finally, the findings demonstrate that sustainable policy outcomes are not always equitable, suggesting that those looking to civic education policies to foster equitable civic outcomes, may have to look elsewhere.

This dissertation studies how immigrant-origins mother combine their mothering with their civic engagement. Framed from the theoretical lenses of critical motherhood studies, it zooms in into the everyday lives of four migrant mothers looking to get a better sense of how they create and share knowledge about their daily experiences, and of how they build senses of home and community for themselves, their children, and others in their communities. It aims to shed light on ways to be civically engaged that go beyond voting and protesting. While civic life is usually understood in dictionaries as having to do with the rights and duties of citizens, the civics and mothering praxis that emerges from this study is a praxis rooted in love and care. Methodologically, this study combines multimodal, participatory, and poetic tools with Latina and Chicana feminist approaches to testimonio, to co-narrate the portraits of motherhood that are at the heart of this dissertation. Through storytelling that is attentive to ways of knowing and being that are rooted in our communities, these portraits aim to theorize mothering as action and to open space for mothers to express their voices and agency. Therefore, taking the lead from the immigrant-origin mothers with whom I work, this study proposes that the ordinary ways in which they impact the civic life of their communities through their labor of love sets the ground for a conception of citizenship that links transnational communities and exists across borders. What they do also stresses a dialectical praxis of civics that happens between mothers and their children, who are active agents and political beings; a praxis with implications that has political and theoretical implications for how we conceive motherhood, and that can also directly impact early childhood education and research. Throughout, the aim of this dissertation is to make care a central principle of research by creating spaces for support and healing in which mother’s agency and creative is valued. Research as a form of civic engagement that opens spaces to nurture and include our body-mind-soul connection.

No description available.

The problem reported in this thesis was one whose purpose was to determine, if possible, the relative value of gains in civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes growing out of a course in eighth-grade community civics as compared with those derived from a course in traditional eighth-grade history. An interesting phase of the study was the tabulation of losses in civic knowledge, skills, and attitudes and an attempt on the part of the writer to account for them. Chiefly, however, the study concerns itself with progress in social and civic thinking on the part of eighth-grade pupils.

據稿本複印 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學教育學部,1986. / 參考文獻: leaves 153-171 / Chapter 第一章： --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1 --- 問題說明 --- p.1 / Chapter 2 --- 研究目的 --- p.3 / Chapter 3 --- 研究範圍 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二章： --- 香港課程發展的背景及現況 --- p.6 / Chapter 1 --- 香港政治體制的特點 --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- 香港教育規劃的特點 --- p.11 / Chapter 3 --- 香港課程發展的特點 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三章： --- 文獻評述及理論架構 --- p.31 / Chapter 1 --- 課程革新與發展 --- p.31 / Chapter 2 --- 政治教育 --- p.50 / Chapter 3 --- 決策釐訂 --- p.57 / Chapter 4 --- 本研究之理論架構 --- p.76 / Chapter 5 --- 本研究之假設 --- p.90 / Chapter 第四章： --- 研究方法 --- p.92 / Chapter 第五章： --- 研究結果及討論 --- p.100 / 參考書目 --- p.153 / 附錄 --- p.172

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education