Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:23:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 verona_em_dr_fran.pdf: 856529 bytes, checksum: ad92995fdc9422b12940af08b88c86dd (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Durante o século XIX, muito se discutiu acerca da questão dos casamentos. A ideia de que a prosperidade pública dependia, em grande medida, da realização de casamentos legítimos era, então, largamente defendida pela elite letrada brasileira. Por esta razão, nossos políticos, médicos, juristas e literatos se empenharam bastante na demonstração das incontáveis vantagens proporcionadas pela união conjugal e, paralelamente, dos inúmeros prejuízos que, com mais frequência, acometiam os celibatários. Vários escritores também se dedicaram ao problema da introdução do casamento civil no Brasil, motivados pela intenção de favorecer a promoção de casamentos legítimos e de tornar a legislação brasileira compatível com os princípios da liberdade civil e da tolerância religiosa. Igualmente preocupados com a prosperidade pública estavam os que se dedicaram à formação de um teatro nacional. Autores e críticos teatrais oitocentistas, fortemente influenciados pela necessidade de cooperar com a moralização da sociedade e com a correção dos costumes, produziram peças nas quais os bons exemplos eram sempre valorizados e os vícios, punidos. É nesse sentido que a produção teatral se articula com a questão dos casamentos. Nossos teatrólogos também foram fortes aliados nessa verdadeira campanha em prol da demonstração das vantagens matrimoniais, com o interesse de estimular determinados modelos de comportamento e censurar outros. Compreender as concepções de casamento defendidas nos círculos letrados brasileiros do século XIX, refletir sobre as razões que determinaram a valorização desta instituição e entender o modo como nossos teatrólogos exploraram o tema são os principais objetivos deste trabalho / During the century XIX, the marital issue was so discussed. The idea that public prosperity depended extensively on the realization of legitimate marriage, was largely supported by the Brazilian cultural society. For this reason, our politicians, doctors, lawyers and writers have engaged a lot in the demonstration of the countless benefits offered by the marital union, and even in the countless losses which more often afflicted the celibate. Several writers have also dedicated themselves to the problem of the introduction of civil marriage in Brazil, motivated by the intention to encourage the promotion of legitimate marriage and to make the Brazilian legislation compatible with the principles of civil liberty and religious tolerance. Those who devoted themselves to the formation of a national theater were also concerned with the public prosperity. Authors and theater critics from the century XVIII, strongly influenced by the need to cooperate with the moralization of society and the correction of manners, produced plays in which good examples were always valued and vice punished. In this sense, the theatrical production is linked with the marital issue. Our playwrights have also been strong allies in this legitimate campaign aiming the demonstration of the marital benefits in order to stimulate certain models of behavior and blame others. Understanding the concepts of marriage defended in Brazilian cultural classes from the nineteenth century, reflecting about the reasons for the recovery of this institution and understanding how our playwrights explored the theme are the main goals of this work

This thesis examines the case of civil marriage in Lebanon as an example of the contestation of sectarian identities and a political system. Sectarianism in Lebanon and in the Middle East has become not only a seemingly naturally-produced social categorisation, but also the hegemonic epistemological concept through which every social and political act is interpreted. In contrast to this, the Lebanese civil married spouses interviewed in this thesis, challenge sectarian practices and discourse. I examined the context and identities civil married spouses practice. I conclude that certain sites of resistance favour the emergence of civil marriage, where individuals perform alternative practices and political identities. Practices of resistance may cycically trigger the emergence of other pockets of resistance where contestation happens. Nonetheless, as ethnographic research shows, isolated cases of civil marriage happen in many different contexts and circumstances. This research also investigates the limits of civil marriage as acts of social change. I have identified intention and consciousness as key drive which allow political acts to become transformative of power. Indeed, spouses that exhibited high levels of political consciousness identified at the same time sectarianism as an oppressive system to which they intended to subvert with their act of civil marriage. Further, politically-conscious-civilly married spouses demonstrated intersectional subversion not only to sectarianism, but also to other oppressing systems such as patriarchy, kinship or social classes. Ultimately, they contested sectarianism in a non-excluive fashion when it came to their choice of marriage. Finally, resistance, as a reflection of power, is never pure. That is, even self-conscious and self-reflexive individuals that contest sectarianism or other systems of powers do it while embedded in the same structures of power. Confronting one form of power in one context does not mean that they will confront the same form of power in another context.

Orientador: Jean Marcel Carvalho França / Banca: Sergio Alves Peixoto / Banca: Tania Regina de Luca / Banca: Denise Aparecida Soares de Moura / Banca: Márcia Regina Capelari Naxara / Resumo: Durante o século XIX, muito se discutiu acerca da questão dos casamentos. A ideia de que a prosperidade pública dependia, em grande medida, da realização de casamentos legítimos era, então, largamente defendida pela elite letrada brasileira. Por esta razão, nossos políticos, médicos, juristas e literatos se empenharam bastante na demonstração das incontáveis vantagens proporcionadas pela união conjugal e, paralelamente, dos inúmeros prejuízos que, com mais frequência, acometiam os celibatários. Vários escritores também se dedicaram ao problema da introdução do casamento civil no Brasil, motivados pela intenção de favorecer a promoção de casamentos legítimos e de tornar a legislação brasileira compatível com os princípios da liberdade civil e da tolerância religiosa. Igualmente preocupados com a prosperidade pública estavam os que se dedicaram à formação de um teatro nacional. Autores e críticos teatrais oitocentistas, fortemente influenciados pela necessidade de cooperar com a moralização da sociedade e com a correção dos costumes, produziram peças nas quais os bons exemplos eram sempre valorizados e os vícios, punidos. É nesse sentido que a produção teatral se articula com a questão dos casamentos. Nossos teatrólogos também foram fortes aliados nessa verdadeira campanha em prol da demonstração das vantagens matrimoniais, com o interesse de estimular determinados modelos de comportamento e censurar outros. Compreender as concepções de casamento defendidas nos círculos letrados brasileiros do século XIX, refletir sobre as razões que determinaram a valorização desta instituição e entender o modo como nossos teatrólogos exploraram o tema são os principais objetivos deste trabalho / Abstract: During the century XIX, the marital issue was so discussed. The idea that public prosperity depended extensively on the realization of legitimate marriage, was largely supported by the Brazilian cultural society. For this reason, our politicians, doctors, lawyers and writers have engaged a lot in the demonstration of the countless benefits offered by the marital union, and even in the countless losses which more often afflicted the celibate. Several writers have also dedicated themselves to the problem of the introduction of civil marriage in Brazil, motivated by the intention to encourage the promotion of legitimate marriage and to make the Brazilian legislation compatible with the principles of civil liberty and religious tolerance. Those who devoted themselves to the formation of a national theater were also concerned with the public prosperity. Authors and theater critics from the century XVIII, strongly influenced by the need to cooperate with the moralization of society and the correction of manners, produced plays in which good examples were always valued and vice punished. In this sense, the theatrical production is linked with the marital issue. Our playwrights have also been strong allies in this legitimate campaign aiming the demonstration of the marital benefits in order to stimulate certain models of behavior and blame others. Understanding the concepts of marriage defended in Brazilian cultural classes from the nineteenth century, reflecting about the reasons for the recovery of this institution and understanding how our playwrights explored the theme are the main goals of this work / Doutor

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of African Languages in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2003. / Nowadays marriage, especially the European civil marriage is considered as holiest-of holiest, as looked against the customary or traditional marriage. It is thus why Umtsimba-the traditional bridal party-is looked down upon. Indeed those who marry the customary way are considered as barbarians who know nothing, uneducated. This is because we have taken as respectable, the civil marriage-which according to the European culture as Christian marriage, and yet even that, is the same as the customary or traditional marriage because people marry one another. What appears, and which also is irrefutable truth, is that civil marriage IS In accordance with European culture religion which has been attached to European religion. Evidence of this is that the civil marriage, begins in court and, when divorce occurs, ends in court. What makes customary marriage to be looked down upon is that all African things are despised, yet there are no laws prohibiting that which is intrinsically traditional custom of the African people. CHAPTER ONE expresses the aims of this research, which also is what caused that it and all that has been done in this chapter, be written. Even the enthusiasm that caused the writing of this research, has been adequately displayed. The methods used to obtain suffident information concerning this research have also been thoroughly explained. CHAPTER TWO deals with the weather conditions, more especially that of Mphumalanga and Swaziland areas where most Swazis are found. A short story on the origins of the Swazis has also been given. The Christian faith as well as traditional religion. CHAPTER THREE concerns the different categories (in the social structure) so that different should be known between intfombi (maiden), makoti (young Wife), umlobokati (the betrothed), malukatane (daughter-in-law) and umfati (woman / Wife). The various designations have been given in years so that it can be easier to understand the differences relative their social development. CHAPTER FOUR deals deeply into all that relates to the Swazi umtsimba as it is. Falling in love / getting married of the umlobokati (the one who has been lobolwared), kuhlambisana kwetinkhomo (the reciprocal acknowledgement relationships by the families concerned) have been adequately explained. CHAPTER FIVE clearly explains what happens after the intfombi have been married. The lobola cattle have been explained as well as why lobola has to be paid. The kushiswa kwetinyongo (the burning of the gallbladders) winds up the whole umtsimba ceremony. CHAPTER SIX sums up the whole research exercise. Recommendations concerning this research show clearly what is commendable and should be maintained in order to preserve and keep the Swazi culture intact. The whole exercise stands on this that people must get back to their own customs, if culture, and let alone customs from foreign cultures. Let the people celebrate umtsimba because this is their way of getting married. = Kulamalanga lesiphila kuwo umshado ikakhulu Iona wesilumbi utsatfwa njengal<:mgcwelengcwele kunalona wesintfu. Kungako umtsimba sewunyembenywa nje. Vele labatekana ngendlela yesintfu batsatfwa njengemacaba langati lutfo. Ingani umshado wesilumbi lolisiko labo belumbi kepha lesesiwutsatsa ngekutsi uyinkholo, uhlonishwa kakhulu kube nanawo uyefana nalowesintfu ngobe kusuke kutekwana. Lokuvelako futsi lokulidniso lelingeke nani laphikiswa kutsi umshado wesilumbi ulisiko lesilumbi leleyanyiswe nenkholo yesilumbi. Bufakazi baloko kutsi umshado wesilumbi ucala enkantolo nanome sekwehlukanwa futsi uphelela khona. Lokwenta kutsi kutsatsana ngesintfu kubukelwe phansi kutsi vele tonkhe tintfo tesintfu tibukelwa phansi kantsi ayikho nemitsetfo levikela loku lokuyinsila yebantfu SEHLUKO SEKUCALA sibeka ebaleni inhloso yalolucwaningo. Lekungiko lekwenta kutsi kubhalwe lolucwaningo nako kuvetiwe kulesehluko. Inshisekelo lenta kutsi kubhalwe lolucwaningo nave ibhaliwe ngalokwanele. Tindlela lekusetjentiswe tona kute kutsi kutfolakale Iwati lolwanele ngalolucwaningo nato tibhaliwe ngalokuphelele. SEHLUKO SESIBIU sibuke simo selitulu ikakhulukati, sendzawo yaseMphumalanga naseSwatini lapho kutfolakala khona emaSwati lamanyenti. Umlandvo lomfisha ngemvelaphi yemaswati nawo uchaziwe. EmaSwati bantfu lebalandzela inkholo yebuKhristu nenkholo yesintfu. SEHLUKO SESITSATFU sicondzene netigaba tebantfu ngekwehlukana kwabo. Tigaba tehlukanisiwe kuze bawati umehluko lokhona emkhatsini wentfombi namakoti, umlobokati, malukatane kanye nemfati. Tigaba talabadvuna nato tichaziwe ngekwehlukana kwato. Tigaba tebantfwana tehlukanisiwe ngeminyaka khona kutewubalula kucondzisisa kahle umehluko. SEHLUKO SESINE sijule kakhulu emtsimbeni unjalo. Kugana kwemlobokati, kuhlabisana ngalokuphelele. wonkhe wesiSwati njengobe kwetinkhomo kuchaziwe SEHLUKO SESIHLANU seneka ebaleni lekwentekako nangabe intfombi seyitekiwe. Tinkhomo temalobolo tichaziwe kanye nekutsi kulotjolelwani. Kushiswa kwetinyongo kusonga wonkhe umtsimba kutsi sewuphelele. SEHLUKO SESITFUPHA sisonga wonkhe umsebenti welucwaningo sewuphelele. Tincomo ngalolucwaningo tikuveta ebaleni lekutusekako lekumele kutsi kulandzelwe kute kutsi emasiko esiSwati ahlale agcinekile. Lomsebenti wonkhe ume ekutseni bantfu ababuyele emasikweni abo bayekele emasiko ebantfu bekuchamuka. Bantfu ababuyele bagidze umtsimba wesintfu ngobe ngiyona ndlela yabo yekuteka umfati.

Dix-huit communautés religieuses cohabitent au Liban. Chaque communauté a son propre droit de la famille et ses propres tribunaux religieux qui tranchent les litiges entre leurs adeptes dans ce domaine. L'insuffisance du droit actuel à gérer certains différends comme le divorce, la répudiation de la femme, la polygamie, le mariage temporaire, la capacité matrimoniale de la femme, les conflits de compétence entre les communautés mêmes, les problèmes du mariage interreligieux, ainsi que ceux qui naissent suite à un mariage civil conclu à l'étranger, tous ces problèmes du statut personnel sont des problèmes de la vie quotidienne, qui ne peuvent rester en suspens. Au Liban, où le mariage civil n'existe pas, le Libanais n'a pas d'existence en dehors de sa communauté. Reste à savoir comment les Libanais pourront continuer de fonctionner à l'intérieur de ce système tout en renforçant leur sentiment d'identité nationale aux dépens de celui d'appartenance religieuse.La question du mariage civil au Liban est une question de chirurgie d'urgence car il représente la solution à tous ceux qui ne croient pas au mariage religieux même à ceux qui y croient mais qui ne sentent pas protégés par ce droit suite au détournement de la loi et en absence de mesure de contrôle claire et stricte. Le renouvellement du droit actuel pour répondre à de nouvelles exigences à travers les religions est une obligation qui pèse sur les hommes religieux. Les Libanais sont conscients de la nécessité d'un changement et aspirent à une telle évolution. / Eighteen religious communities co-habit in Lebanon. Each one of those communities has its own set of family laws as well as its own religious courts that handle and settle all of the conflicts arising between their followers. The current set of laws adopted and applied by each community fails to resolve many of the newly arising conflicts especially those related to the personal statute of their followers. For example, we can state the problems of divorce, women's repudiation, polygamy, temporary marriage, the matrimonial qualification of women, the conflicts between the communities' judicial competences, the problems related to inter-religious marriage, as well as many other recurring problems all of which can either never tolerate being unsettled or are tired of waiting for decades to be resolved. Unfortunately, in Lebanon, where civil marriage is still not applied, the individual has no clear definition beyond the boundaries of his community. What yet still needs to be known is how such an individual will be capable of functioning properly and effectively inside a system in which the national identity is only seen through the eyes of one's religious beliefs.Civil marriage in Lebanon represents the only resort to those who never believe in religious marriage and to even those who do but still feel unsecure due to the lack of the proper, clear, strict, adequate conflict resolution measures. The rehabilitation and renewal of the currently applied laws is indeed an obligation to every religious representative and chief. The Lebanese are aware of that and longing for such an evolution.

O tema mais geral desta pesquisa é a família na Primeira República brasileira. Reconhecido como o período de secularização por excelência, questionamos a modernização desta instituição no combate à histórica influência católica e na longínqua interferência dos costumes. Analisando diversas fontes como jornais de época, legislações do período e documentação policial enfrentamos o desafio de procurar indícios das convivências e da forma como elementos, às vezes opostos, alinhavaram-se na experiência de fato da população. Destacando a especificidade do processo de modernização brasileiro e como ele atingiu a instituição familiar, alinhavamos os discursos sobre esta instituição às práticas ou táticas da população em relação a ela. Em relação a esse último aspecto, enfatizamos a diferente incorporação discursiva pelos sujeitos históricos, fator gerador de conflitos e experiências familiares dos mais diversos tipos. No fim, a instituição mais disputada na tribuna, mais requisitada pelos valores morais e mais panfletada como garantia de futuro seguro foi experimentada para além da sua conceituação civil legítima: indissolúvel e perpétua conceito contraditório que denota as convivências, as exclusões e as limitações das tentativas de controle das experiências; bem como a importância de retornarmos ao passado e oferecer outra narrativa sobre ele. / The general theme of this research is the family in the Brazilian First Republic. It is recognized as the secularization period by excellence and we question the modernization of this institution in its fight against the historical Catholic influence and in the distant interference of customs. Analyzing old newspapers, laws of the period and police documentation we faced the challenge of searching clues about acquaintanceships and the manner how elements, sometimes opposites, blend into the experience of the population indeed. Highlighting the specificity of Brazilian modernization process and how it achieved the family institution, we analyze the speeches about this institution and related them to the practices or tactics of the population. Regarding this last point, we emphasize the different discursive incorporation by historical subjects, the generator factor of many types of family conflicts and experiences. In the end, the most disputed institution in the tribune, the most institution ordered by moral values and the most disclosed as a guarantee of future insurance was experienced beyond their legitimate civil concept: \"indissoluble and perpetual union\" contradictory concept that denotes the acquaintanceships, the exclusions and the limitations of the attempts to control the experiences; as well as the importance of returning to the past and provide another narrative about it.

O tema mais geral desta pesquisa é a família na Primeira República brasileira. Reconhecido como o período de secularização por excelência, questionamos a modernização desta instituição no combate à histórica influência católica e na longínqua interferência dos costumes. Analisando diversas fontes como jornais de época, legislações do período e documentação policial enfrentamos o desafio de procurar indícios das convivências e da forma como elementos, às vezes opostos, alinhavaram-se na experiência de fato da população. Destacando a especificidade do processo de modernização brasileiro e como ele atingiu a instituição familiar, alinhavamos os discursos sobre esta instituição às práticas ou táticas da população em relação a ela. Em relação a esse último aspecto, enfatizamos a diferente incorporação discursiva pelos sujeitos históricos, fator gerador de conflitos e experiências familiares dos mais diversos tipos. No fim, a instituição mais disputada na tribuna, mais requisitada pelos valores morais e mais panfletada como garantia de futuro seguro foi experimentada para além da sua conceituação civil legítima: indissolúvel e perpétua conceito contraditório que denota as convivências, as exclusões e as limitações das tentativas de controle das experiências; bem como a importância de retornarmos ao passado e oferecer outra narrativa sobre ele. / The general theme of this research is the family in the Brazilian First Republic. It is recognized as the secularization period by excellence and we question the modernization of this institution in its fight against the historical Catholic influence and in the distant interference of customs. Analyzing old newspapers, laws of the period and police documentation we faced the challenge of searching clues about acquaintanceships and the manner how elements, sometimes opposites, blend into the experience of the population indeed. Highlighting the specificity of Brazilian modernization process and how it achieved the family institution, we analyze the speeches about this institution and related them to the practices or tactics of the population. Regarding this last point, we emphasize the different discursive incorporation by historical subjects, the generator factor of many types of family conflicts and experiences. In the end, the most disputed institution in the tribune, the most institution ordered by moral values and the most disclosed as a guarantee of future insurance was experienced beyond their legitimate civil concept: \"indissoluble and perpetual union\" contradictory concept that denotes the acquaintanceships, the exclusions and the limitations of the attempts to control the experiences; as well as the importance of returning to the past and provide another narrative about it.

In the first essay, I demonstrate that during the 1970s, the marital behavior of US Catholics changed dramatically relative to that of the total population. The Catholic marriage rate, that is, the number of Catholic marriages per 1000 Catholics, decreased nearly 20 percent relative to the civil marriage rate. Before and after this time period, the two rates moved in unison. Empirically, I find that the Catholic reforms and encyclicals of the 1960s, that is, Vatican II and Humanae Vitae, led to a decrease in the Catholic marriage rate relative to the civil marriage rate and that the reform of civil divorce law had no effect on this relative rate. In the second essay, I expand the analysis of the previous essay and test whether a negative response among US Catholics to the reforms of Vatican II and to Humanae Vitae is able to explain the increase in the civil marriage rate, the decrease in the Catholic marriage rate, and the increase in the interfaith marriage rate seen in the data. To do this, I construct an original model that treats marriage as a set of two contracts, one civil and one religious, with the benefit and cost of the religious contract depending upon a social complementarity. The theory and the data match if the primary effect of 1960s Catholic reform was to decrease the benefit of a Catholic marriage. In the third essay, I examine the link between religiosity and the incidence of domestic abuse and model sanctification as the pathway connecting the two. Sanctification is "a psychological process through which aspects of life are perceived by people as having spiritual character or significance"[25]. In the model, the abuser must his choose level of abuse, and both abuser and abused must allocate a scarce amount of time between the production of a marital good and a personal consumption good. Sanctification is modeled as an increase in the return to time invested in the marital good. Theoretically, abuse increases in both spouses' level of sanctification and the wife's productivity and decreases in the husband's productivity. This partially agrees with the data. / text

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Frederico Batista de Oliveira.pdf: 830842 bytes, checksum: 73245c67e3b2bbeaff92cb7f99868c83 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-07 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study seeks to analyze the Homo-affective Law in order to apply the Constitutional Theory of Achievement as an interpretative method, which has the objective of equalizing the approach of affective bonds, regardless of one s sexual orientation. Within this analysis, it s important to evaluate the decision of the Supreme Court (STF), which has recognized the homo-affective bond as a family entity, in an effort to investigate the evidence of a constitutional consolidation of homo-affectivity. From the perspective of the Friedrich Müller s Structuring Theory of Law , and Konrad Hesse s Normative Force of the Constitution , the inquiry utilizes the hermeneutics which is able to provide the constitutional principles of Freedom,Human Dignity, Equality with normative force, as well as the broad irradiation of forbiddance of discrimination, as a mean to promote the legal recognition of the homo-affective reality, not yet regulated by infra-constitutional Law. As to the hermeneutics suggested in this study, as well as the decision of the Supreme Court,both contribute efficiently to the achievement of equality in the access, by homosexual individuals, to Stable Union and Civil Marriage, which are rights comprised within the inquiry as being fundamental, regardless of the existence of specific regulating law. / Busca este trabalho analisar o Direito Homoafetivo e aplicar a teoria da concretização constitucional como um método interpretativo, que tem por finalidade igualar o tratamento das uniões afetivas, independentemente da orientação sexual. Nesta análise, cumpre-se avaliar a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), que reconheceu a união homoafetiva como entidade familiar, no sentido de investigar a evidência de uma concretização constitucional da homoafetividade. Sob a ótica da Teoria Estruturante do Direito , de Friedrich Müller, e da Força Normativa da Constituição , de Konrad Hesse, a pesquisa utiliza uma hermenêutica capaz de dar força normativa aos princípios constitucionais da liberdade, dignidade da pessoa humana, igualdade, bem como à ampla irradiação da proibição da discriminação,como meio de promover o reconhecimento jurídico da realidade homoafetiva, ainda não regulada pela legislação infraconstitucional. Tanto a hermenêutica sugerida neste trabalho, como a decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, contribuem de forma eficiente para a concretização da igualdade de acesso, pelos homossexuais, à união estável e ao casamento civil, direitos esses compreendidos na pesquisa como fundamentais, independentemente de haver lei específica que os regule.

En 2012, un couple de Libanais a été autorisée pour la première fois à conclure un mariage civil sur le sol libanais. Bénéficiant d'un fort soutien de la société civile, Nidal Darwiche et Kholoud Sukkarieh, nés respectivement chiite et sunnite, se sont appuyés sur différents textes législatifs et constitutionnels libanais pour remettre en question le système en vigueur en matière du statut personnel. Le droit de la famille libanais se caractérise en effet par un pluralisme judiciaire et législatif, accompagné de la personnalité des lois. Le mariage y est soumis, tant dans la forme que dans le fond, au droit religieux de la communauté de l'époux et aucune législation ne prévoit la possibilité de célébration d'un mariage civil. Les époux désireux d'échapper à l'application de la loi religieuse d'une des dix-huit communautés n'avaient d'autre possibilité, jusque-là, que de se rendre à l'étranger- le plus souvent à Chypre - pour y conclure un mariage civil parfaitement reconnu et enregistré ensuite au Liban. Quels procédés juridiques ont été mis en avant afin d'aboutir à la conclusion de ce mariage ? Comment cette« révolution juridique» a-t-elle été accueillie par les différentes autorités religieuses ? Quelle a été la position de la jurisprudence ? Cette avancée ouvre-t-elle la voie vers l'adoption d'une loi civile libanaise du statut personnel ? La laïcité intégrale peut-elle être adoptée dans le contexte libanais ? La présente thèse porte sur la relation entre la religion et le statut personnel au Liban à travers l'étude de la célébration de mariage. Elle étudie dans un premier temps l'évolution historique qui a conduit à la consolidation du régime de la personnalité des lois religieuses en matière de statut personnel avant d'analyser les réponses offertes pour surmonter ce pluralisme judiciaire et législatif et de conclure sur la portée juridico-sociale du premier mariage civil conclu à l'intérieur des frontières libanaises. / In 2012, a Lebanese couple was authorized to form a civil union for the first time on the Lebanese soil. Receiving great support from the civil society, Nidal Darwiche and Kholoud Sukkarieh, born Shia and Sunni respectively, relied on legislative and constitutional regulations in Lebanese law and questioned, as a consequence, the system that's currently in effect in the personal status field. As a matter of fact, family law in Lebanon is characterized by judicial and legislative pluralism that comes along with personality of laws system. Marriage, in particular, is dominated, whether it comes to its procedure or its content by the religious factor and obeys most of the time to the husband's religious law. There is no specific regulation that takes into consideration the possibility of a civil marriage taking place in Lebanon. Those who want to avoid the 18 different personal status laws in reference to the 18 religious sects that exist, are forced to travel abroad- mainly to Cyprus - in order to civilly tie the knot, a perfectly recognized and registered union in Lebanon. What are the legal methods highlighted that have led to the materialization of this civil marriage? How was this legal revolution welcomed by the religious authorities? What was the jurisprudence's position? Does this progress open the gate towards the adoption of a Lebanese civil persona! status law? Could full secularism be established in Lebanon? This dissertation examines the link between religion and persona! status in Lebanon through marriage's study. It studies first of all the historical social evolution that led to the consolidation of personality of laws system in the personal status field, it observes afterwards complications and solutions to overcome judicial and legislative pluralism, and it ends with the case study and the impacts of the first Lebanese civil marriage.