Dans cette thèse, nous tâchons de démontrer que l’histoire de la musique à Alger entre les années 1860 et l’indépendance ne peut se passer d’une approche en termes de rencontre et de transferts entre les expressions musicales européennes et indigènes. Spectacle vivant et lieu de rencontre, la pratique musicale a été saisie très tôt au cours du XXe siècle comme un moyen de travailler au rapprochement des communautés ; un des principes auquel ont œuvré de nombreux acteurs de la société civile, appuyés de manière croissante par les autorités publiques. Le frottement soutenu entre les différents genres musicaux a contribué à en former et à en consolider les contours, de sorte que la musique dite aujourd’hui « çan‘a » ou « andalouse » d’Alger est le produit d’un dialogue entre Européens et indigènes. Ainsi, entre 1862 et 1962, il est possible de parler de chemin « franco-musulman » parcouru par les musiques d’Algérie ; chemin qui contribue à modeler leur forme et qui révèle que la portée historique de l’indépendance dans le champ musical est aussi limitée que sa force mémorielle est démesurée, quand on considère les discours nationalistes dont les musiques d’Algérie sont aujourd’hui investies. Cependant, le cas musical algérois est peut-être plus significatif dans le champ d’une histoire culturelle de la France : il révèle – contre toute attente ? – qu’en France, le multiculturalisme n’est pas une fonction de l’impérialisme. Considérer un instant qu’Alger n’est pas foncièrement « coloniale » entre 1862 et 1962, reconnaître qu’elle a un temps partagé le destin de l’hexagone et constater qu’elle est un lieu d’application d’une politique culturelle de la diversité interroge le jacobinisme français, dont on répète pourtant à l’envie, qu’il est congénital. / In this dissertation, we seek to demonstrate that the history of music in Algiers from the 1860s to independence must be apprehended in terms of meeting and transfers between European and indigenous musical expressions. Characterized by live performance and being a point of contact, musical practice has been understood, as early as the beginning of the 20th century, as a means to create and tighten ties between communities; a purpose to which many actors of civil society have worked, increasingly supported by public authorities. Rubbed together, the different musical genres were modelled and consolidated, so that the Algiers’s so-called “Andalusian” musical tradition was, in fact, shaped by the dialogue between Europeans and indigenes. Thus, from 1862 to 1962, one can speak of Algerian music’s “franco-muslim” path; a path which reveals that the historical significance of Algerian independence in the field of music is as limited as its memorial weight is overwhelming in contemporary nationalist narratives on Algerian music. However, the Algiers musical case might be more telling from a cultural history of modern France point of view: it shows – surprisingly? – that in France, multiculturalism is not tied to imperialism. If one considers for a moment that Algiers, from 1862 to 1962, is not fundamentally “colonial”, admits that it has for a time shared a common destiny with the hexagone, and yields to the fact that it hosted a genuine cultural policy aimed at the promotion of diversity, one is led to wonder if Jacobinism, as is often said, is consubstantial to France.

The early period of the national liberation of Mozambique provided a stage for superpower competition, and a means for different African states, groups of states, and organizations to advance their particular, and often conflicting goals and agendas. In so doing, both the superpowers and regional African actors were supporting different rival Mozambican nationalist leaders and their respective movements. More than being only a conflict between Portuguese authorities and Mozambican nationalists, the process of Mozambican national liberation was also a proxy confrontation between different foreign actors. The thesis examines the relations and power dynamics within the complex of superpowers - African states - national liberation movements, in the contexts of the Cold War, African affairs and the process of national liberation of Mozambique. It assesses the roles played by local and regional African actors in affecting Soviet and American interests and designs throughout their engagements with the process of Mozambican national liberation, from 1961 to 1964.

Cette thèse analyse le rôle ambivalent de l'exil politique cubain dans le processus de séparation de Cuba et l'Espagne au XIXe siècle, à l'époque où se définit un mouvement anticolonial dans l'île. S'il est indéniable que le héros national cubain, José Marti, a passé plus de temps en exil qu'à l'intérieur de Cuba, ce travail s'écarte de l'idée d'une « fabrique de la nation» hors-sol que l'omniprésence de cette figure a pu suggérer. Des années 1830 à la fin de la guerre des Dix Ans, quitter Cuba n'est pas toujours synonyme d'aspirations indépendantistes. Loin de prétendre au portrait de groupe exhaustif, cette étude insiste sur la grande diversité d'un personnel unifié par l'histoire-patrie insulaire, et sur les dissonances que l'exil introduit dans le récit patriotique cubain. Cette analyse sociopolitique d'un personnel à première vue secondaire pour le récit national cubain aborde trois points principaux. Premièrement, l'étude de l'exil pousse à repenser les jalons chronologiques du nationalisme cubain, et ceux: de la relation impériale entre île et péninsule. Cet objet transversal fait émerger une nouvelle temporalité du lien colonial. Plutôt que de considérer Cuba comme « attendant sa libération » dès le temps des indépendances ibéro-américaines, un « temps du compromis » se dessine, qui dure pendant tout le long XIXe siècle cubain et hispano-cubain. Deuxièmement, la nouvelle géographie impériale dessinée par la carte de l'exil séparatiste pendant la période étudiée donne à voir de nouveaux problèmes politiques pour un empire espagnol amputé de ses anciennes possessions américaines et cherchant à se renouveler. Enfin, s'il est certain qu'il a existé une synergie indépendantiste dans les années 1870 chez les créoles cubains séparatistes de l'intérieur et de l'extérieur, cette thèse montre que ceux qui s'autodéfinissent comme « exilés cubains » compliquent par leur grande diversité les aspirations nationales définies par la République en Armes de Guaimaro en avril 1869. / This dissertation analyses the ambivalent role of political exile from Cuba at the moment of its separation from Spain in the 19thcentury, a period during which the anticolonial movement on and off the island solidified. Although Jose Marti, the Cuban national hero who spent most of his time outside of Cuba in exile, is ubiquitous in the narrative of Cuban independence, I argue that the figure of exil.es is far from simple. This work contends that from the 1830s to the end of the War of Ten Years, leaving Cuba was not necessarily indicative of supporting independence. It tracks these exiles in ail their diversity, and traces the kinds of dissonance that exile might introduce into the patriotic Cuban narrative. Using Cuba as a case study, this thesis maps a new field of knowledge of the Euro-American XIXth century, often defined as the "century of exiles". I approach this analysis of a group, considered secondary until now, through a sociopolitical lens, and make three main contributions. First, a study of political exile challenges the usual chronology of Cuban nationalism, as well as the relationship between the island and the peninsula relationship's timeline. Second, the framework of exile points to a new imperial geography. Separatism abroad reveals the Spanish empire's navel political challenges once a significant part of it had been lost. The number of exiles and banishments it imposed was not a sign of decline, as is most often interpreted. Rather it shows how the empire was seeking renewal, trying to reinvent itself starting in the late 1830s. The empire used exiles to design new colonial policies at home and abroad, and made use of diplomacy to keep a close eye on separatists in exile. While the historiography of this period claims that there was a uniformity of political vision among Cuban creoles, this work claims that those who called themselves "Cuban exiles" were too politically diverse to be considered mere supporters of a monolithic independence.

Guerres et paix ont jalonné le duel franco-britannique, une des trames essentielles des relations internationales au XVIIIe siècle. Or c’est ce même siècle des Lumières qui a célébré l’idée d’équilibre européen, d’équilibre des puissances, pour limiter les conflits et « préserver la paix ». Le présent travail se situe pendant la courte période de paix qui sépare deux conflits européens majeurs où s’affrontèrent la Grande-Bretagne et la France, la guerre de Succession d’Autriche (1740-1748) et la guerre de Sept Ans (1756-1763). Il s’agit d’étudier, au milieu du siècle, les pratiques de la paix, utilisées ou révélées à l’occasion des négociations franco-anglaises sur les limites territoriales étendues aux espaces maritimes et coloniaux, et de s’interroger sur les représentations diplomatiques et les visions géostratégiques du monde qui guidèrent, à la cour de Versailles comme à celle de Saint-James, l’action politique des diplomates dans la sphère coloniale. / The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle which ended the War of Austrian Succession in 1748 threw into relief the linkage between the europeans and colonial issues. It returned the european claims in North America and in the West Indies to the statu quo ante bellum settled by the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. A boundary commission was established to study the claims, to determine what areas were considered as belonging to the British or to the French Crowns, and to define clear boundaries separating the colonial dominions. Not solely episode of the Anglo-French rivalry, these inter-war years took place in the middle of the Age of Enlightenment, which celebrated the idea of balance of powers. Despite their failure, these negotiations could be envisaged as attempts to regulate colonial and maritime disputes by international agreements and as experiences by both Courts of a far diplomacy.

D'origine modeste, Achille Joseph Urbain (1884-1957) devient vétérinaire militaire en 1906. Il soutient une thèse de botanique en 1920, puis travaille à l'Institut Pasteur de Paris dans le laboratoire de Besredka. En 1931, Urbain entre au Muséum national d'Histoire naturelle de Paris où il devient, en 1934, le premier titulaire de la chaire d' « Éthologie des animaux sauvages ». Cofondateur du Parc zoologique de Vincennes et préoccupé de protection de la nature dans un cadre national et international, le savant remplit les fonctions de directeur du Muséum de 1942 à 1949. Notre problématique consiste à élucider les mécanismes d'acquisition de sa popularité auprès des scientifiques et du grand public, puis de sa chute dans l'oubli. L'analyse des travaux scientifiques qu'Urbain réalise avec plus de 80 collaborateurs - vétérinaires, pastoriens, médecins des hôpitaux, pharmaciens, zoologistes -, montre que le savant s'est d'abord fait connaître par ses travaux d'immunologie appliquée. Cependant, la qualité de ses travaux scientifiques n'a pas été le seul modus operandi de sa célébrité. Celle-ci s'est construite grâce à la mise en oeuvre de différents réseaux - scientifiques, politiques, médiatiques, mondains -, jusqu'à l'accession d'Urbain à l'Académie nationale de Médecine (1941) et au poste de directeur du Muséum (1942). La fonction de directeur du Parc zoologique de Vincennes et ses voyages - largement médiatisés - dans l'Empire colonial français, expliquent la notoriété d'Urbain auprès du grand public. Quelques éléments permettent d'expliquer pourquoi le savant est aujourd'hui tombé dans l'oubli. Cette absence de notoriété actuelle tient en premier lieu à ses travaux scientifiques sans grande originalité, mais aussi à un moindre degré à la subversion des thèmes scientifiques liés à sa chaire professorale. Il faut aussi chercher du côté de la caution morale qu'Urbain donne finalement aux pratiques coloniales de l'époque. À ses différents facteurs, il faut sans doute ajouter un désintérêt général pour l'histoire naturelle dans les années 1960, des problèmes financiers qui empêchent le Muséum d'investir dans la rénovation du Zoo de Vincennes et une prévention nouvelle du public vis-à-vis de la captivité animale / From a humble background, Achille Joseph Urbain (1884-1957) became a military veterinarian in 1906. He submitted his botany dissertation in 1920, and then worked in Besredka’s laboratory at the Pasteur Institute of Paris. In 1931, Urbain joined the National Museum of Natural History of Paris, in which, he became the first holder of the chair of “ Ethology of wild animals ” in 1934. Cofounder of the zoological park of Vincennes and concerned with protection of nature in the national and international environment, the scientist carried out his functions as Director of the Museum from 1942 to 1949. Our subject consists in clearing up the mechanisms by which Urbain acquired his fame among the scientists and the general public, and which accounted for his fall into oblivion. The analysis of the scientific studies which Urbain carried out with more than 80 collaborators –veterinarians, scientists of the Pasteur Institute, medical doctors, pharmacists, zoologists – shows that the scientist first made himself known for his studies on applied immunology. However, the high standard of his scientific studies is not the only modus operandi of his fame. It was built with the implementation of different networks – scientists, politicians, journalists, colonial residents, High society people –until Urbain was elected to the National Academy of Medicine (1941) and appointed to the position of Director of the Museum (1942). His function as Director of the zoological park of Vincennes and his travels – widely publicized – in the French colonial Empire explain Urbain’s fame among the general public. A few elements can explain why the scientist has nowadays fallen into oblivion. His current lack of fame is due first to the fact that his scientific studies had with no great originality, but also in a lesser degree to the subversion of the scientific themes linked to his teaching chair. We should also look for some reasons to the moral support that Urbain gave to the colonial practices of the time. To these different factors, we should add the general lack of interest in natural science in the 1960s, the financial issues which prevented the Museum from investing in the renovation of the Zoo de Vincennes and the emerging dislike of the general public towards the captivity of animals

Tendo em vista uma distinção constantemente realizada pela historiografia colonial entre a \"pobreza de São Paulo\" e a \"riqueza do Nordeste\", tomamos este contraste enquanto ponto de partida para a elaboração de uma pesquisa que visa decifrar os papéis econômicos e sociais que as regiões de São Paulo e de Pernambuco apresentavam frente ao Império Colonial português entre 1580 e 1720. Acreditamos que tais papéis podem ser constatados levando-se em conta contextos e atribuições específicos designados a essas regiões no período mencionado. Além disso, a identificação da existência de tais comparações sobre os níveis de vida de ambas as regiões em documentos de época, formuladas pelos contemporâneos ainda entre o final do século XVII e o primeiro quartel do XVIII, pode esclarecer os primórdios das raízes dessas imagens e de seu acentuado contraste. Na verdade, o que se pretende é demonstrar que os conceitos econômicos precisam ser matizados quando analisamos atividades econômicas de regiões que devem ser compreendidas segundo sua importância e seu papel específicos na América / Keeping in mind a distinction made by brazilian colonial historiography between \"São Paulo\'s poverty\" and \"Pernambuco\'s wealth\", we considered this contrast to study the economic and social places that São Paulo and Pernambuco occupied in the Portuguese Colonial Empire among 1580 - 1720. We believe that these \"places\" must been studied looking on the specific colonial regions\' contexts and atributions. Moreover, through the identification of comparisons in colonial documents, written at the seventeen and eighteen centuries, we can throw light on these ideas of \"poverty\" and \"wealth\", because we expect that they were constructed in determined moments in the past. Indeed, we intend to show that the economic concepts must been carefully thought when the colonial regions\' ativities are analysed according to their importance and especificities in America

Tendo em vista uma distinção constantemente realizada pela historiografia colonial entre a \"pobreza de São Paulo\" e a \"riqueza do Nordeste\", tomamos este contraste enquanto ponto de partida para a elaboração de uma pesquisa que visa decifrar os papéis econômicos e sociais que as regiões de São Paulo e de Pernambuco apresentavam frente ao Império Colonial português entre 1580 e 1720. Acreditamos que tais papéis podem ser constatados levando-se em conta contextos e atribuições específicos designados a essas regiões no período mencionado. Além disso, a identificação da existência de tais comparações sobre os níveis de vida de ambas as regiões em documentos de época, formuladas pelos contemporâneos ainda entre o final do século XVII e o primeiro quartel do XVIII, pode esclarecer os primórdios das raízes dessas imagens e de seu acentuado contraste. Na verdade, o que se pretende é demonstrar que os conceitos econômicos precisam ser matizados quando analisamos atividades econômicas de regiões que devem ser compreendidas segundo sua importância e seu papel específicos na América / Keeping in mind a distinction made by brazilian colonial historiography between \"São Paulo\'s poverty\" and \"Pernambuco\'s wealth\", we considered this contrast to study the economic and social places that São Paulo and Pernambuco occupied in the Portuguese Colonial Empire among 1580 - 1720. We believe that these \"places\" must been studied looking on the specific colonial regions\' contexts and atributions. Moreover, through the identification of comparisons in colonial documents, written at the seventeen and eighteen centuries, we can throw light on these ideas of \"poverty\" and \"wealth\", because we expect that they were constructed in determined moments in the past. Indeed, we intend to show that the economic concepts must been carefully thought when the colonial regions\' ativities are analysed according to their importance and especificities in America

This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.

This thesis analyzes the major theme of ‘postcolonial genealogy’ in portraying the African bending under the weight of colonial history in Le vieux nègre et la médaille, Une vie de boy of Ferdinand Oyono and Le Chercheur d’Afriques of Henri Lopes. Being a product of a colonial Genesis, the African character runs behind the colonizer’s mirror through his Civilizing Mission. René Girard’s ‘double bind’ theory explains how this cultural assimilation is, in Le vieux nègre et la médaille and Une vie de boy, a dead end because the colonizer needs a subordinate and not an equal. The cohabitation of a black housewife with the French Commander in Le Chercheur d’Afriques should be seen as simply an allegory of postcolonial Africa’s dependency on the West. The consequences of the feminization of the African continent are enormous in the post-colonial imaginary. While the colonizer had conquered Africa with his Herculean body, in Oyono’s novels, his Fall is obtained through the aesthetics of Bakhtinian ‘rabaissement’ which degrades his ‘grotesque body’ to that of the colonized. The colonizer and the colonized are neutralized and leveled in their perishable bodies, thus, making futile the Civilizing Mission that operated by ranking races. Power is never total. It is always imperfect, and can never destroy a subjectivity that resists it. In Oyono’s novels, the Fall of the colonial Father is also obtained through the inquisitive gaze that the colonized return back to the colonizer, and through their ‘subversive mimicry’ that parodies his codes. In Une vie de boy and Le Chercheur d’Afriques, the ‘son-Father’ relationship between the hero and the colonial Father, is also symbolic of the ‘Africa-West’ rapports. Living under the specter of the Father, the son has to negotiate his survival between weaning and parricide. The biological miscegenation in Le Chercheur d’Afriques is a metaphor of the ‘rhizome identity’ of the postcolonial African who renounces both the Fathers of Negritude and those of the Civilizing Mission. / Thesis (Ph.D, French) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-24 12:43:30.006