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I slutet av sommaren 2018 arrangerades den separatistiska festivalen Statement Festival i Göteborg. Målet var att skapa en trygg festivalupplevelse för kvinnor, icke-binära och transpersoner. Genom intervjuer med tre besökare samt ett fenomenologiskt angreppssätt diskuterar den här texten upplevelsen av att delta i detta separatistiska evenemang. Det för att dels reda ut hur vi kan förstå festivalen som en kollektiv upplevelse. Festivalen präglades av en stark gemenskap och känsla av att alla var där för att de ville åstadkomma förändring. Något som härrörde ur de riktningar i livet som besökarna tagit snarare än att de alla befann sig på samma festival. Dels för att se hur vi kan förstå festivalen som en liminal upplevelse. Det var inte bara människorna där som var avgörande för att festivalen skulle komma att bli den upplevelse den var. Även rummets uppbyggnad och dess gränser var en avgörande komponent. Festivalen var en avgränsad plats separerad från resterande samhället där normer och strukturer ställdes på ända. Slutligen undersöks hur blickar upplevdes på festivalen. Frånvaron av cis-män skapade ett rum där blickar uppfattades som vänliga och uppmuntrande snarare än objektifierande. Ett rum där människor kände sig bekväma med att dansa topless och där alla kände sig trygga. När helgen sedan var över upphörde detta och besökarna återgick till sina vanliga liv.

I den här uppsatsen analyseras debattartiklar om separatism, i dessa fall om uppdelning av människor baserat på kön eller "ras", med hjälp av en pragmadialektisk argumentationsanalys. Artiklarna – tre för och tre emot separatism– analyseras i enlighet med den metod som presenteras av Mika Hietanen i antologin Retorisk kritik. Argumenten har ställts upp i argumentationsstrukturer för att konkretisera vilka ståndpunkter som förs och hur respektive debattör argumenterar för att ta sig dit. Av analysen kan dras slutsatsen att separatismens förespråkare driver teserna att separatistiska rum är nödvändiga och viktiga, och att de argumenterar för detta genom att hävda att det är viktigt för marginaliserade – i dessa fall kvinnor och rasifierade – att ibland få en fristad bortom sina förtryckares närvaro. Separatismens motståndare argumenterade för att separatisters sätt att dela upp människor är rasistiskt och kontraproduktivt. De utmärkande skillnaderna sidorna emellan är att förespråkarna framstår som i underläge i och med att de främst fokuserar på att problematisera den dominerande gruppens beteende och ge historiska exempel på tidigare separatistiska framgångar. Dessutom förekommer falska auktoritetsargument, som om de övriga argumenten inte upplevs starka nog. Motståndarna går hårdare fram och kostar på sig personangrepp och anklagelser, eftersom de tycks säkra på att de har en majoritet av den allmänna opinionen på sin sida. Detta förklaras med hjälp av tidigare exempel på kritik mot så kallad identitetspolitik som omöjliggörande solidaritet och gemensam kamp. Dessutom dras en parallell mellan separatisternas perspektiv och idén om white privilege och ”förblindade” motståndare. Ambitionen för tolkningen av analysens resultat var att tillämpa ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Insikten om olika faktorers inverkan gjorde det angeläget att även blottlägga min egen position. Den här uppsatsen presenteras därför som en tolkning av debatten om separatism utifrån min position som bland annat vit, kvinnlig student.

The purpose of this essay is to look into why women decide to join women-only feminist groups on Facebook. Specifically, we want to explore how women view their own and others’ safety in feminist Facebook groups that allow men to participate and those that do not. Another aspect of why women join separatist groups is the possibilities that surface when men are not allowed to join or partake in discussion. We took a qualitative approach to these questions of issue and interviewed eight women who are or have been members of both mixed and separatist Facebook groups focused on feminist discussion. By using a thematic analysis, we found that the women we interviewed seek separatist spaces to avoid sexism, threats and digital violence by men. In mixed groups, actions like derailing, mansplaining, threats and silencing were common and the women wanted to find women-only groups to protect themselves from this oppressive behaviour. In addition to that, we found that separatist groups often create the possibility for women to speak freely about their oppression, share private experiences and organize themselves against the patriarchal system.

ABSTRACT Radical Black movements in the United States are often judged according to the feasibility of their aims and practices. This tends to overlook other ameliorative and even revolutionary contributions that these movements make. While the Civil Rights Protest Movement is well acknowledged for its ameliorative contributions to the just treatment of Blacks in America, black radicals are often decried as having been impractical and unrealistic. The impracticality of black radical movements often baffles scholars when they try to rationalize the existence of these movements, and often sociological justifications are sought. This dissertation seeks to show that the sentiments of the black radical movements were rooted in variables which are understandable and justifiable. Separatism and revolutionism, by the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party respectively, were direct responses to the situation of Blacks in America, in the past and in the future. The past was that of brutal discrimination and exploitation, the future spelled out assimilation and yet again exploitation. It made sense to the Nation of Islam that they should seek separatism and self-determination within or without America, and it also made sense to the Black Panther to seek revolution in order to end all exploitation and paternalism. The history of Black/white relations could not be erased from the collective memory. In order to denounce the past, the present was to be cursed. The callous past justified autonomy and this autonomy was sought in separatism and revolution. The proponents of these tenets were not deluded about the feasibility of the most extreme of their demands- the tenets were a denunciation of America, the American national consciousness. The mere adherence to these beliefs granted its proponents racial and class solidarity, dignity and pride. These alone are enough to justify the noise that these movements made. This is the argument of this dissertation. An attempt will be made, through textual analysis of some of the documents of the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party to extract excerpts that link to the ideals of racial solidarity, dignity and pride.

O estudo leva em consideração acontecimentos históricos da conformação territorial da Bolívia, sua estruturação, dinâmica, bem como a atual situação de sua coesão interna, implicando no aprofundamento dos estudos relativos à intergovernabilidade, territorialidade, nacionalismo e identidade. Também abarca a questão relativa aos grupos dentro do arranjo democrático liberal, e da ativação política de clivagens de cunhos étnico, regional e econômico, tratando a questão separatista da porção Oriental boliviana. / The study considers the historical events of Bolivia\'s territorial arrangement, structure, dynamics and the current situation of its internal cohesion, resulting in the analysis of major studies on intergovernability, territoriality, nationalism and identity. This research also takes into account the demands made by groups inside the liberal democratic arrangement, and the activation of political, ethnic, regional and economic divisions, addressing the issue of Bolivias Eastern portion breakaway.

The objective of this work is to determine whether the political instability has had a significant impact on the development of Quebec during the last 35 years. The method of approach is to examine whether there is a correlation between economic indicators and political instability. In the first part the history of French Canadians, from the first settlements to the crucial political events of the 20th century are examined. Since this study is based on a time-correlation between political events and changes in socio-economic indicators, special attention is paid to the reception and interpretation of events by historians, the media and opinion leaders. As a next step the development of economic and socio-demographic indicators during the last 40 years is examined. Factors studied include gross domestic product, investment, consumption, and unemployment as well as demographic and demolinguistic indicators. In order to ensure that changes in factors are linked to political instability comparisons with other provinces, notably with Ontario, and other countries are made in the conclusion it will be summarized that a direct relation between separatism and Quebec's long-term economic development cannot be demonstrated by examining macro-economic indicators. However, the October crisis of 1960 and the referendum of 1995 had short-term negative impacts on Quebec's economic development. Other factors such as the French language legislation of 1977, which further accentuated Quebec's special linguistic status in North America and the historical differences between the development of the French, Catholic society and the English, Protestant one better explain the existing differences between Quebec and the rest of Canada.

Philosophers commonly distinguish between an experience’s intentional content—what the experience represents—and its phenomenal character—what the experience is like for the subject. Separatism—the view that the intentional content and phenomenal character of an experience are independent of one another in the sense that neither determines the other—was once widely held. In recent years, however, separatism has become increasingly marginalized; at present, most philosophers who work on the issue agree that there must be some kind of necessary connection between an experience’s intentional content and phenomenal character. In contrast with the current consensus, I believe that a particular form of separatism remains the most plausible view of the relationship between an experience’s intentional content and phenomenal character. Accordingly, in this thesis I explain and defend a view that I call “moderate separatism.” The view is “moderate” in that the separatist claim is restricted to a particular class of phenomenal properties: I do not maintain that all the phenomenal properties instantiated by an experience are independent of that experience’s intentional content but only that this is true of the sensory qualities instantiated by that experience. I argue for moderate separatism by appealing to examples of ordinary experiences where sensory qualities and intentional content come apart. First I argue that an experience’s intentional content does not determine the sensory qualities it instantiates by appealing to cases where two experiences share the same intentional content but instantiate different sensory qualities. Then I argue that the sensory qualities instantiated by an experience do not determine its intentional content by appealing to cases where two experiences that instantiate the same sensory qualities differ with regard to intentional content. I consider a number of alternatives to my account of the intentional content and phenomenal character of the experiences at issue and argue that none is plausible. If so, it follows that the intentional content and sensory qualities instantiated by an experience are independent of one another.

Philosophers commonly distinguish between an experience’s intentional content—what the experience represents—and its phenomenal character—what the experience is like for the subject. Separatism—the view that the intentional content and phenomenal character of an experience are independent of one another in the sense that neither determines the other—was once widely held. In recent years, however, separatism has become increasingly marginalized; at present, most philosophers who work on the issue agree that there must be some kind of necessary connection between an experience’s intentional content and phenomenal character. In contrast with the current consensus, I believe that a particular form of separatism remains the most plausible view of the relationship between an experience’s intentional content and phenomenal character. Accordingly, in this thesis I explain and defend a view that I call “moderate separatism.” The view is “moderate” in that the separatist claim is restricted to a particular class of phenomenal properties: I do not maintain that all the phenomenal properties instantiated by an experience are independent of that experience’s intentional content but only that this is true of the sensory qualities instantiated by that experience. I argue for moderate separatism by appealing to examples of ordinary experiences where sensory qualities and intentional content come apart. First I argue that an experience’s intentional content does not determine the sensory qualities it instantiates by appealing to cases where two experiences share the same intentional content but instantiate different sensory qualities. Then I argue that the sensory qualities instantiated by an experience do not determine its intentional content by appealing to cases where two experiences that instantiate the same sensory qualities differ with regard to intentional content. I consider a number of alternatives to my account of the intentional content and phenomenal character of the experiences at issue and argue that none is plausible. If so, it follows that the intentional content and sensory qualities instantiated by an experience are independent of one another.

This essay is focusing on separatism and nationalism in the Canadian province Quebec. The study has been conducted by using theories concerning nationalism and separatism and later on applying them to this specific case. The aim was to investigate the reasons why separatism has emerged in Quebec and to find out the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada.  This is to be done both through a historic as well as current perspective in which both literary resources as well as the internet has been used to find reliable information. The essay is also investigating whether Quebec has any real basis for their will to succeed by taking a closer look at international law and relations. The conclusion of the essay showed that language and resentment are two of the most important reasons to why separatism has arisen in Quebec. Nationalism has been strong since Canada was a colony and this shows a deep historical abutment. The study conducted also shows that international laws available are extremely hard to interpret making it hard to ponder upon the question whether Quebec has the right to succeed or not.