Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:21:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FaustinoTeatinoCavalcanteNeto.pdf: 2684130 bytes, checksum: b315a7299c7232b3162ae0a2f73b1954 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000-01-01 / The objective of this dissertação was you analyze in the State of the Paraíba it constructed and it spread out speech on the PCB, detaching that imaginary the paraibana population formed on the communism, having reference the particular marries of Félix Araújo. Specifically our objectives had been: you analyze the performance politics, while reorganization, of the Communist Party of paraibano Brazil during the process of redemocratização of 1945 until the 1951 elections, when already one met in the illegality; you identify, in the cited period, the shock stopped between the you force paraibanas politics, lives specifically between the instituted to power and the militant Communists, will be considering the beginner's all-purpose symbolic instruction code in the process of propagation of representations concerning the communism; e you make it marries study, by means of the Memory and of Verbal History, having reference the militant Félix Araújo. The collection of dates was made through consultation you the general a bibliography, the periodicals and pamphlets, well in the uses of the memory that was caught by way of the directed recorded interview you adds octogenários of the area in study. Indiciário the method of used procedure was the. The carried through studies had allowed you understand that the reorganization of the PCB in the Paraíba, during the process of redemocratização of 1945, was efervescente, what in it made them you evidence that, therefore, if it from there stopped strong shock between the paraibano power instituted and the militant Communists, resulting set of representations that had been elaborated and spread will be the first one in the heat of those events on the communism. Finally, in the study of considered marries, we investigate, by means of the Memory and of Verbal History, the survival of certain representations and an imaginary still dispersed anti-communist in the collective memory of the paraibana society. / O objetivo desta dissertação é o de analisarmos como no Estado da Paraíba se construiu e difundiu um discurso sobre o PCB, destacando que imaginário a população paraibana formou sobre o comunismo, tendo como referência o caso particular de Félix Araújo. Especificamente nossos objetivos foram: avaliarmos a atuação política, enquanto reorganização, do Partido Comunista do Brasil paraibano durante o processo de redemocratização de 1945 até as eleições de 1951, quando já se encontrava na ilegalidade; identificarmos, no citado período, o embate travado entre as forças políticas paraibanas, mais especificamente entre o poder instituído e os militantes comunistas, por considerarmos como fundamental no processo de propagação de representações acerca do comunismo; e fazermos um estudo de caso, por meio da Memória e da História Oral, tendo como referência o militante Félix Araújo. A coleta de dados foi feita através de consulta a uma bibliografia geral, a jornais, a panfletos e a memória de velhos. O método de procedimento utilizado foi o indiciário. Os estudos realizados permitiram compreender que a reorganização do PCB na Paraíba, durante o processo de redemocratização de 1945, foi polêmica, o que nos fez constatar que, por isso, se travou um forte embate entre o poder paraibano instituído e os militantes comunistas, resultando daí um conjunto de representações sobre o comunismo que foi elaborado e disseminado, pelo primeiro, no calor daqueles acontecimentos. Por fim, no estudo de caso proposto, investigamos, por meio da memória e da história oral, a sobrevivência de certas representações e de um imaginário anticomunista ainda disperso na memória coletiva da sociedade paraibana.

O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo. / The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.

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Comment l’Etat-Parti chinois renouvelle-t-il son élite et maintient-il sa cohésion dans la période post-Maoïste ? Il s’agit d’une question fondamentale pour comprendre l’évolution du système politique chinois. Or, les explications fournies par la littérature sur la question sont loin d’être satisfaisantes. J’aborde ces questions à travers une étude unique du rôle joué par la Ligue des Jeunesses Communistes dans le recrutement et la promotion des cadres de l’Etat-Parti depuis les années 1980. Je montre que du fait de la situation politique de l’après Révolution Culturelle et des besoins en jeunes soutiens de certains dirigeants, un système de « mobilité sponsorisée » s’est développé afin de renouveler l’élite politique chinoise. Des étudiants sont recrutés dès l’université et formés par les organisations de jeunesse du Parti. Ils sont alors placés sur une filière de promotion rapide, avec des opportunités de carrière et de formation uniques. Ce qui les conduit à des postes de dirigeants au sein de l’Etat-Parti. Par ailleurs, à travers les différentes étapes du processus de « mobilité sponsorisée », les jeunes recrues développent un rôle spécifique en tant que futurs cadres dirigeants et transforment leurs cercles de sociabilité. En conséquence, ils renforcent leur engagement politique et donc leur intérêt personnel à la survie du régime. Enfin, la nature décentralisée de l’Etat-Parti, et de ses organisations de jeunesse ; rend difficile pour les jeunes recrues d’établir des groupes cohésifs qui pourraient s’organiser contre l’Etat-Parti lui-même. / How does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question in order to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. I approach these questions through a unique account of the role played by the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) in terms of cadres’ recruitment and promotion since the 1980s. I show that due to post-Cultural Revolution politics and the need for leaders at the time to recruit loyal young cadres, a “sponsored mobility” system was developed to renew the Party-State’s elite. College students are recruited and trained through the Party’s youth organizations. They are put then on a unique promotion path, which includes specific opportunities and trainings, and which leads them to leadership position in the Party-State. In addition, through the various steps of the sponsored mobility process, the young recruits develop a specific social role as future officials and transform their social circles. As a result, they cultivate a political commitment to their career in the Party-State and to the survival of the regime. Finally, the decentralized nature of the Party-State and its youth organizations make it difficult for the young recruits to establish cohesive groups which could organize against the Party-State itself.

The diploma thesis analyses czechoslovakian society between 1948 and 1989 with help of ethical blindness concept. It focuses on former living conditions, ways of perceiving socialist system and how public adapted to it. Ethical blindness is a state of mind which makes us blind for the ethical dimension of our decision. It is unintentional and usually short-term, caused by individual characteristics and very strong context. The hypothesis lays in assumptions that ethical blindness was present during the communist era in Czechoslovakia and can be used to interpret passiveness of former public and its consequences. The thesis conerns also those who managed to release themselves from ethical blindness.

Between 1888 and 1896, William Morris wrote several medieval-inspired, proto-fantasy romances which have consistently threatened to fall into the doldrums of literary criticism. I am particularly interested, here, in the most complete of these compositions entitled The Story of the Glittering Plain, The Wood Beyond the World, The Well at the World’s End, The Water of the Wondrous Isles, and The Sundering Flood: texts which I call Morris’s late romances. Critics who have engaged with these texts have often taken on the difficult task of reconciling Morris’s growing political vehemence during the time of their composition and the ostensibly escapist stance these romances seem to purport. As such, critics have largely relied on Morris’s fidelity of the Middle Ages as a time that offered a more authentic, original, innocent, or natural mode of human experience, which Morris preferred over the industrial capitalism of his own Victorian period. Through various versions of this stance, critics have articulated that the late romances can offer socially progressive content through an outdated mode of literary production. While this dissertation maintains the significance of anti-escapist readings of these late romances, it also expresses the value of alternative readings of the critical appeal to authenticity. Using critical theories from Karl Marx, Walter Benjamin, and most especially Slavoj Žižek, this dissertation suggests that any recognition of authenticity is reliant upon its own corruption and that part of the communist value of William Morris’s late romances exists not in their exemplification of a (medieval) world unblighted by modern corruption but through their demonstration of the conceptual necessity to incorporate modern corruption into any possible vision of past authenticity. That is, the late romances show that past authenticity is a product of an intellectual frame produced by modern corruption; they therefore imply that, in a similar way, communism can only become recognizable as a result of capitalist exploitation. In this way, I hope to aid in resurrecting these beautiful and valuable texts so that they can play a role in the communist struggles of the future.

The thesis deals with Czechoslovak Spartakiads, which were held by the Communist Party every fifth year from 1955 till 1985 (with exception of 1970). Spartakiads were one of the symbols of the Communist regime, when thousands of gymnasts performed and created different figures by synchronized exercises of their bodies at the Strahov Stadium in Prague. Introduction of my paper is focused on description of history of mass gymnastic displays, which Spartakiads came from. I also indicate how and when Spartakiads originated, how they realized and who and how organized them. Spartakiads were very popular, that's why I describe in the paper, why and how the Communist regime succeeded to hold their popularity. Spartakiads became a tool of communist propaganda. So, I realize the difference in a public perception of Spartakiads and the official interpretation. I examine the transformation of a face of Spartakiad in time in my thesis. I compare its transformation with evolution of the Communist ideology. I evaluate the point and purport of Spatakiad in conclusion of the paper and I think about a chance of survival of Spartakiad in present time.

Orientador: Josué Pereira da Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T04:26:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cappelli_KarinaVales_M.pdf: 1182823 bytes, checksum: 99e91ff201e834da3f9f13b5815d518f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta dissertação trata das mudanças no conceito de renda básica ao longo dos vinte anos de existência da organização não governamental BIEN (Basic Income Earth Network). Baseia-se em dois momentos decisivos, marcados pela publicação de dois textos representativos da formulação da alocação universal: "A Capitalist Road to Communism", na revista Theory and Society, em 1986, e "A Capitalist Road to Global Justice", em 2006, no primeiro número da revista Basic Income Studies. Os dois textos foram escritos em conjunto por dois dos fundadores da BIEN, Philippe Van Parijs e Robert van der Veen. Tendo os dois textos como ponto de partida, o objetivo é entender o debate em torno da proposição de renda básica nesse período, em especial a mudança de concepção traduzida na substituição da noção de comunismo pela noção de justiça global / Abstract: The main objective of this dissertation is to perceive the changes in the basic income concept through the twenty years of existence of the non-governmental organization BIEN (Basic Income Earth Network). It's based in two decisive moments, which are influenced by two articles that represent the very formulation of universal allocation: "A Capitalist Road to Communism", in the journal Theory and Society in 1986, and "A Capitalist Road to Global Justice", which was published in 2006 by the first volume of the journal Basic Income Studies. Both articles were co-authored by two founders of BIEN, Philippe Van Parijs and Robert van der Veen. We use the two articles to start to understand the debate concerning the basic income proposition at the given period, specially the change noted with the exchange of communism for global justice / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

The aim of this thesis is to develop a theoretical framework that could account for the problems arising in the translation of oral history interviews. While focusing on literary, economic and technical texts, Translation Studies has neglected the examination of Oral History. In order to fill in this major lacuna in the research literature, I ask two fundamental questions: Which are the linguistic problems and challenges (if any) of such texts in translation? How do these translated oral history interviews articulate the communist experience? I do so to call attention to the mutual benefits that can be gained from such an intersectional approach. To instantiate the case, I translate from Romanian into English transcribed interviews given by three categories of people: those involved in the anti-communist armed resistance in the Carpathian Mountains (extracted from the book Memorialul Durerii: Întuneric şi Lumină, by Lucia Hossu-Longin), political prisoners (Supravieţuitorii: Mărturii din temniţele comuniste ale României, by Raul and Anca Ştef) and King Michael I of Romania (Convorbiri cu Mihai I al României, by Mircea Ciobanu). Importing Portelli’s theoretical framework from the field of Oral History allows me to identify the features of historical interviews (orality, narrative, subjectivity, performativity) and account for their difficulties in translation. However, since the Italian researcher negates the orality of transcribed interviews, I manage to solve this problem by proposing the term ‘fictive orality’ (Koch&Osterreicher) and the triad ‘vividness (repetitions/imagery), immediacy (direct speech), fragmentation (ambiguity/ellipsis)’. Defining thus the orality of my written data, I map out the translational problematics of oral testimonies on communism and contend that fragmentation presents the most difficult challenges in translation. Additionally, my results point at the copious use of repetitions, visual/kinaesthetic/organic images, and direct speech. The findings also confirm the effectiveness of a literal translation given the emphatic role acquired by the linguistic strategies previously mentioned. Conclusively, recommendations are made for proximity to the source text as the translational processs assumes the form of a ‘dialogue’ that the translator has to establish with the original, so that he/she could hear all the participants talking. Hence, I rely on foreignization as an over-arching method, demonstrating its compatibility with Oral History on communism. On the one hand, this strategy captures the cognitive and emotive dimensions of the interviewees’ language of suffering and trauma. On the other hand, it preserves the foreignness of the original, by bringing into focus the distinctively Romanian communist experiences. / Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

abstract: This dissertation explores the roles of ethnic minority cultural elites in the development of socialist culture in the Soviet Union from the mid-1930s through the late 1960s. Although Marxist ideology predicted the fading away of national allegiances under communism, Soviet authorities embraced a variety of administrative and educational policies dedicated to the political, economic, and cultural modernization of the country’s non-Russian populations. I analyze the nature and implementation of these policies from the perspective of ethnic Tatars, a Muslim Turkic group and contemporary Russia’s largest minority. Tatar cultural elites utilized Soviet-approved cultural forms and filled them with Tatar cultural content from both the pre-Revolutionary past and the socialist present, creating art and literature that they saw as contributing to both the Tatar nation and to Soviet socialism. I argue that these Tatar cultural elites believed in the emancipatory potential of Soviet socialism and that they felt that national liberation and national development were intrinsic parts of the Soviet experiment. Such idealism remained present in elite discourses through the 1930s, 1940s, and into the 1950s, but after Stalin’s death it was joined by open disillusionment with what some Tatars identified as a nascent Russocentrism in Soviet culture. The coexistence of these two strands of thought among Tatar cultural elites suggests that the integration of Tatar national culture into the broad, internationalist culture envisioned by Soviet authorities in Moscow was a complex and disputed process which produced a variety of outcomes that continue to characterize Tatar culture in the post-Soviet period. This dissertation is based on significant archival research and utilizes various state and Communist Party documents, as well as memoirs, letters, and other personal sources in both Russian and Tatar. It challenges traditional periodization by bridging the Stalin and post-Stalin eras and emphasizes on-the-ground developments rather than official state policy. Finally, it offers insight into the relationship between communism and ethnic difference and presents a nuanced vision of Soviet power that helps to explain the continuing role of nationalism in the contemporary Russian Federation and other post-communist states. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2019