The dissertation studies the fictional journey of Zhang Xianliang from the viewpoint of political unconscious. Zhang has been under different kinds of labour reform and re-education in mainland China for twenty-two years. The experience is too painful to recall, yet too feared to be forgotten. The repressed trauma of Zhang is therefore displaced and disguised in the fictional language of reform, remembrance, love, sex and death. Each language fulfils one layer of Zhang's hidden wishes. Yet the desiring chain moves on with new forms of substitutions until death. The study investigates his unconscious psyche from the Historical subtexts of conflicting impulses between body and mind, self and Other, individual and socialist Ideological State Apparatuses, and the residual, dominant and emerging modes of production.

The problem of the ‘mountain man’, the caricature of self-sufficiency and individualism, is not a new one for autonomy theorists. It seems plausible that there is genuine value in self-direction according to one’s deeply-held principles. If autonomy involves something like this, then anyone concerned with autonomy as a social rather than individualistic phenomenon must explain what (if anything) the mountain man gets wrong when he denies that his autonomy admits of being placed under obligations to others. In particular, the mountain man challenges autonomy-minded social anarchists: if his denial of legitimate non-voluntary obligations is correct, then it is not just the state we should reject, but any organising body with coercive powers. This may be consistent with individualist anarchism or right-libertarianism, but it sits ill with the social anarchist intuition that we can have genuine political obligations (albeit not to the state). My thesis addresses this problem in three stages. First, I argue for a functional analysis of authority and autonomy: the concepts are not pre-existing “immovable objects”, but rather are defined by the role that they are intended to play in our discourse. I suggest that we need a concept of political or institutional authority in order to resolve co-ordination problems and pursue collaborative social goods, and a concept of autonomy to explain when and why self-direction is valuable. Second, I defend a social-relational conception of autonomy. The autonomous agent is powerful and authoritative, where this power and authority is in large part constituted, rather than merely affected, by the social structures and relations that we stand in. We are powerful and authoritative (and thus autonomous), I argue, when we stand in relations of non-domination: we are not vulnerable to arbitrary interference in our lives, and this non-vulnerability is defended in virtue of recognition respect for us as agents. There are two important implications of this account: that autonomy comes with a built-in equality condition whereby everybody’s autonomy is threatened if anybody’s is, and that there is no principled distinction to be drawn between ‘personal’ and ‘political’ autonomy. In the last three chapters, I suggest an autonomy-justified conception of authority. I argue for autonomy as the crucial collaborative good which authoritative institutions help us to pursue, and suggest that such institutions may legitimately claim authority if they act or effect actions in ways which are likely to promote or defend autonomy-constituting relations, and act or effect actions in ways consistent with maximal equal autonomy. Finally, I return to the anarchist argument, showing that while my accounts of autonomy and authority give us a plausible picture of how autonomy is compatible with genuinely authoritative institutions, this picture still has no room for the state.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-05. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:33Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851746.pdf: 1240148 bytes, checksum: ed3a772f108c0ab89c6eaebd66e94d3b (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Esta tese analisa as concepções de generidade e politicidade na última trajetória filosófica de György Lukács (1956-1971). Os textos analisados são Para uma ontologia do ser social, incluindo seus Prolegômenos, e os seus escritos políticos derradeiros, com notado destaque a O processo de democratização. A questão crucial da ontologia do ser social em Lukács está envolta à dilucidação da generidade humana, momento peculiar da esfera do ser biológico que, ao cindirse com a natureza, eleva-se a uma generidade completamente inédita devido ao surgimento do pôr teleológico, isto é, os atos que visam a transformação finalística do mundo. Ao fixar o pôr teleológico como organismo gerador da generidade do ser social, e ao fixar a disseminação das posições teleológicas como o conteúdo dinâmico da vida social, Lukács impossibilita a confusão entre a vida da natureza e a vida da sociedade: a primeira é dominada pela causalidade espontânea, não-teleológica; enquanto a segunda é constituída pelos atos da práxis dos indivíduos singulares. Neste sentido, Lukács se depara com a percepção do caráter alternativo de toda resolução humana, verificando que o conjunto dos pores teleológicos gera uma causalidade posta que apenas em partes é controlada pelo indivíduo singular. Com o desenvolvimento de uma generidade qualitativamente mais ampla, os homens passam a ter maior controle sobre suas alternativas e sobre os resultados de seus atos finalísticos. A política, então, é um dos momentos do pôr teleológico secundário, pois tal ato finalístico visa a influenciar os atos dos outros indivíduos singulares - de modo que a política é um tipo de práxis voltada para a totalidade social. O campo de ação dos indivíduos singulares é aumentado a cada complexificação social que origina um processo de desenvolvimento da generidade através dos atos políticos oriundos da cadeia de alternativas. Politicidade e... / This search analyzes the concepts of genericity and politicity in the last philosophical trajectory of György Lukács (1956-1971). The analyzed texts are Ontology of Social Being, including its Introduction, and their latest political writings, specially Democratisation Today and Tomorow. The crucial question of the ontology of social being for Lukács it is shrouded the elucidation of human genericity, peculiar moment the sphere of biological being that, when cleaved with nature, stands at a completely unprecedented genericity, due to the appearance of putting teleological, in other words, the acts aimed at finalistic transformation of the world. Fixing the teleological put how generator organism of genericity of social being, and to secure the dissemination of teleological positions how the dynamic content of social life, Lukács prevents confusion between the life of nature and society life: the firts, the first is dominated by the spontaneous causality, non-teleological; while the second consists of the acts of praxis of single individuals. In this way, Lukács is faced with the perception of alternative character of all human resolution, verifying that the set of teleological putting generates a pose causality wich is controlled only partially for single individual. With the development of a qualitatively wider genericity, humans now have greater control over their alternatives, and over the results of their finalistics actions. The politics is one of the moments of the secondary teleological put, so, because such finalistic act aims to influence the actions of other single individuals, so that politics is a kind of practice focused on social totality. The action field of single individuals is increasing every social complexity, which causes a deployment process of genericity, through political acts originating from alternative chain. Politicity and genericity appear in the mature stage of Lukacs with inextricable bonds; because the...

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-24. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:22Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851766.pdf: 1357036 bytes, checksum: 1f4a51181f0da77e706fe923320028c6 (MD5) / No presente estudo pretende-se demonstrar que, não obstante a existência de uma teoria da transição comunista elaborada por Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels, ela jamais serviu de base para qualquer movimento revolucionário autoproclamado comunista, especialmente para a Revolução Cubana de 1959, nosso objeto de análise neste trabalho. O comunismo, passível de ser construído pelos trabalhadores conscientemente organizados que buscam a sua emancipação - principalmente desde o século XX, quando as forças produtivas materiais alcançaram elevado estágio de desenvolvimento e os países, não mais isolados, podem desenvolver-se tecnológica e industrialmente sem percorrer as mesmas etapas típicas da longa e demorada formação das sociedades burgo-capitalistas modernas - nunca foi de fato o objetivo a ser alcançado pelos revolucionários cubanos que tomaram o poder no final da década de 1950 e que decretaram o caráter socialista daquela Revolução em 1961. Distantes até mesmo de cumprir os ditames básicos referentes à democratização profunda da sua sociedade ensejados pela teoria da ditadura revolucionária do proletariado de Marx (primeira etapa da transição comunista), os líderes cubanos investiram na estatização completa do país para tentar promover as transformações radicais que tirariam a maior ilha do Caribe de sua miséria estrutural legada por mais de 400 anos de colonialismo e neocolonialismo. A despeito de ter sido bem-sucedida na tarefa de promover uma melhora considerável na vida do seu povo, a Revolução de Fidel e Raul Castro ficou longe de poder ser inequivocamente o motor propulsor da construção de uma sociedade comunista e da emancipação dos trabalhadores cubanos. / In the present study is intended to demonstrate that, despite the existence of a theory of communist transition elaborated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it never was the basis for any self-proclaimed communist revolutionary movement, especially for the Cuban Revolution of 1959, our object of analysis in this work. Communism, which can be built consciously by organized workers that are seeking for their emancipation - especially since the twentieth century, when the material productive forces reached a high stage of development and countries, no longer isolated, may develop themselves technologically and industrially without traveling the same typical stages of the long and slow formation of modern capitalist societies - never was indeed the objective to be achieved by Cuban revolutionaries who seized power in the late 1950s and that decreed the socialist character of that Revolution in 1961. Far even from fulfill the basic dictates regarding the profound democratization of their society thought by Marx in his theory of revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat (first stage of communist transition), Cuban leaders have invested in the complete nationalization of the country to try to promote the radical changes that would take away the biggest Caribbean island of its structural poverty bequeathed by more than 400 years of colonialism and neocolonialism. In spite of having been successful in the task of promoting a significant improvement in the lives of its people, the Revolution of Fidel and Raul Castro was far from being unequivocally the driving motor of building a communist society and the emancipation of Cuban workers.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-03-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:34:10Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 goulart_ls_me_assis.pdf: 656557 bytes, checksum: 05fe00dca04411102fb5a58160b59eeb (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem como foco a análise da vida e obra de Astrojildo Pereira (1890- 1965) e seu envolvimento com o Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) de 1922 a 1930, período correspondente à formação do partido, onde Astrojildo ganhou destaque atuando como secretário-geral da organização. Representante da primeira geração de dirigentes intelectuais do PCB, Astrojildo, ao lado de militantes intelectuais e trabalhadores, organizou a fundação do partido em 1922, sendo considerando o principal fundador da agremiação, obteve o reconhecimento oficial para o partido junto à Internacional Comunista, realizou uma intensa atividade na imprensa operária com o intuito de arregimentar novos membros, até que no início da década de 1930, Astrojildo foi afastado e expulso do PCB. O objetivo central deste estudo é analisar e desmistificar a trajetória de Astrojildo Pereira no PCB, durante a década de 20, destacando os eventos fundadores, como a sua transição do anarquismo para o comunismo, o trabalho de preparação para a fundação, assim como, o fim dessa trajetória, os acontecimentos mal esclarecidos em relação à sua expulsão e ao ostracismo que viveu na década de 30. Considerando-o pouco estudado academicamente, a ideia é situá-lo no partido, mas reconhecer também a sua identidade própria, alheia ao PCB, como intelectual respeitado pela sociedade brasileira. Outro ponto relevante é a cultura política inserida na sociedade pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro, que gerou uma nova configuração política no país. Por meio de uma estrutura, organização e ideologia pioneiras, o PCB insere os trabalhadores no cenário político brasileiro, através do marxismo. A partir da obra Construindo o PCB de Astrojildo Pereira, consideramos as inovações do marxismo na sociedade oligárquica dos anos 20, priorizando as culturas... / The present work focuses on the analysis of the life and work of Astrojildo Pereira (1890- 1965) and his involvement with the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) from 1922 to 1930, a period corresponding to the formation of the party, where Astrojildo gained prominence acting as Secretary General of the organization. Representative of the first generation of intellectual leaders of the PCB, Astrojildo, alongside militant intellectuals and workers, organized the founding of the party in 1922, and he is considered the main founder of the party, obtained the official recognition for the party forward the Communist International, held an intense activity in the working press in order to gather new members, until in the early 1930s, Astrojildo was removed and expelled of the PCB. The main goal of this study is to analyze and demystify the trajectory of Astrojildo Pereira in PCB during the 20´s, highlighting the founding events, as the transition from anarchism to communism, the preparatory work for the Foundation, until the end of this trajectory, the poorly understood events in relation to their expulsion and ostracism that lived in the 30´s. Considering him little studied academically, the idea is to situate him in the party, but also recognize their own identity, others to the PCB, as the intellectual respected by Brazilian society. Another relevant point is the political culture inserted in the society by the Brazilian Communist Party, which spawned a new political setup in the country. By means of a structure, organization and pioneering ideology, PCB inserts the workers at the Brazilian political scene through Marxism. From the book Building the PCB from Astrojildo Pereira, it can consider the Marxism innovations in the oligarchic society of the 20´s, prioritizing the cultures in conflict and the process of acculturation of Marxism in the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)... (Complete

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian / Banca: Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta / Banca: Ivan Aparecido Manoel / Resumo: O cerne desta proposta é o estudo do anticomunismo católico no Brasil, privilegiando como marco temporal o período 1935-1937. Para tanto, pretende-se apresentar algumas reflexões advindas de leituras teóricas que contemplam o eixo temático religião e política articuladas com a análise qualitativa da produção de artigos/matérias veiculados pelo periódico católico O Santuário e pela revista A Ordem, sobretudo com relação à "Intentona Comunista", ao regime comunista na Rússia e ao advento da Guerra Civil Espanhola. Dito isto, o objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar, ainda que parcialmente, a construção do discurso anticomunista católico, percebendo suas nuances na maneira de "retratar" o comunismo e/ou comunistas. Ademais, parte integrante deste trabalho consiste em estudar e entender o fenômeno do "engajamento" político da Igreja no Brasil / Abstract: The core of this proposal is the study of the Catholic anti-Communism in Brazil, having as temporal boundary the period between 1935 and 1937. For this matter, it is intended to present some thoughts which are originated from theoretical readings that consider religion and politics as the thematic axis and are articulated with the qualitative analysis of essays and stories production published by the Catholic journal O Santuário and the magazine A Ordem, mostly in relation to the "Communist Uprising", the Russian Communist regime and the Spanish Civil War advent. By that, the aim of this work is to disentangle, even if a limited part, the Catholic anti-Communism speech construction, cognizing its nuances in the way they "delineated" Communism and/or the Communists. Furthermore, part of this work also aims to study and understand the political "engagement" phenomenon of the Brazilian Catholic Church / Mestre

The dissertation The theme of Nazi and Communistic prisoner in Czech literature in the 2nd half of the 20th century deals with political prison in prose of the given period. Its aim is to show the whole picture on both mentioned phases and regimes, on relations and attitudes of literary theory to the literature, which is related with political theme and firstly on psychological and social world of political prisoners of Nazi and Communist regime in the literature.

abstract: In the countries of Eastern Europe, the recent history of the communist regimes creates a context rich in various and often times contradictory remembering practices. While normative discourses of memory enacted in official forms of memory such as museums, memorials, monuments, or commemorative rituals attempt to castigate the communism in definite terms, remembering practices enacted in everyday life are more ambiguous and more tolerant of various interpretations of the communist past. This study offers a case study of the ways in which people remember communism in everyday life in Romania. While various inquiries into Eastern Europe's and also Romania's official and intentional forms of memorializing communism abound, few works address remembering practices in their entanglements with everyday life. From a methodological point of view, this study integrates a grounded methodology approach with a rhetorical sensitivity to explore the discourses, objects, events, and practices of remembering communism in Bucharest, the capital city of Romania. In doing so, this inquiry attends not only to the aspects of the present that animate the remembering of communism, but also and more specifically to the set of practices by which the remembering process is performed. The qualitative analysis revealed a number of conceptual categories that clustered around three major themes that describe the entanglements of remembering activities with everyday life. Relating the present to the past, sustaining the past in the present, and pursuing the communist past constitute the ways in which people in Romania live their relationships with the communist past in a way that reveals the complex interplay between private and public forms of memory, but also between the political, social, and cultural aspects of the remembering process. These themes also facilitate a holistic understanding of the rhetorical environment of remembering communism in Romania. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Communication 2014

Orientador: Marcio Bilharinho Naves / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T04:43:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RafaelAfonsoda_M.pdf: 804324 bytes, checksum: 11865378ae1d651ceffb133f797845d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem como propósito a análise e a reconstrução da reflexão de Lenin sobre a transição socialista em sua obra de 1917-1923, expondo criticamente seus dilemas e limitações. A reflexão leniniana é examinada por períodos, procurando apreender o seu discurso, na efetividade de sua entificação peculiar, em sua relação significativa com as necessidades práticas com que Lenin se defronta na dialética real da tentativa de iniciar um processo de transformação socialista das relações sociais na Rússia. Este estudo pretende, em primeiro lugar, contribuir para a compreensão da obra de Lenin. Em segundo lugar, tem por objetivo contribuir para o debate do tema da transição ao comunismo em uma perspectiva marxista. Espera-se que este trabalho possa servir para reforçar a relevância de tratar o tema da transição ao comunismo, fazendo um balanço das experiências e tentativas históricas de transição do século XX / Abstract: This research has as purpose to analyze and reconstruct Lenin¿s reflexion about the socialist revolution in his work from 1917-1923, explaining critically his dilemmas and limitations. Lenin¿s reflexion is divided into periods, in order to grasp his discourse in the effectiveness of its peculiar ontology and in its significant relation with the practical necessities, with which Lenin is confronted in the real dialectic of the attempt at beginning a process of socialist transformation of Russian social relations. This study intends firstly to contribute to the understanding of Lenin¿s work. Secondly it aims at discussing the subject of transition to communism from a marxist perspective. We hope this work serves to reinforce the relevance of dealing with the subject of transition to communism, taking a stock of the historical experiences and essays of transition in the 20th century / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Marcos Lutz Müller / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T02:14:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eidt_Celso_D.pdf: 2042069 bytes, checksum: 3b11ec524af4112cce47d8cd941f3e91 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: O tema central deste trabalho é a teoria do comunismo no jovem Marx. Seu plano geral é expor, seguindo os escritos de juventude que vão da Gazeta Renana à Ideologia alemã, o percurso e o arranjo teórico-conceitual pelo qual Marx desenvolve a teoria do comunismo enquanto sociabilidade alternativa à ordem social burguesa. Nesse movimento, busca evidenciar como o pensamento de Marx parte da perspectiva hegeliana do Estado ético, avança nos debates sobre os temas da emancipação política e humana e da unidade do universal político e do particular social, até o conceito de ser genérico, retomado de Feuerbach, o qual ainda opera nos Manuscritos econômico-filosóficos, onde se encontram as primeiras teses da teoria do comunismo, que alcançará na Ideologia alemã os fundamentos do materialismo histórico / Abstract: The central theme of this work is the communism theory in the young Marx. Its general plan is to expose, following the writings of his youth ranging from Rhenish Gazette to German Ideology, the path and the theoretical-conceptual arrangement through which Marx developed the theory of communism as a alternative sociability to the bourgeois social order. In this movement, it seeks to show how Marx's thought starts from the hegelian perspective of the Ethical state, it advances in debates on issues of political and human emancipation and of the unity of the universal political and of the particular social, until it reaches the concept of generic being, taken from Feuerbach, which still operates in Economic and Philosophic Manuscript, where the first thesis of the communism theory will be found, which will reach in German Ideology the foundations of historical materialism / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia