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This dissertation excavates the multifaceted intricacies surrounding the socioeconomic transformations of southeastern Syria, which subsequently was named Transjordan, from the late Ottoman period (circa 1840s) to the 1930s. Through a rigorous engagement with Marxism, postcolonial theory, psychoanalysis, gender and queer theor(y/ies), and studies of “economic theology,” it reinterprets capital, not as a thing or as an illusion, but as the performative effect of the capitalization of networks of knowledge-power, or, in other words, as an intersubjectively (i.e., ideologically) agreed upon symbolization of the power relations that enable the bringing of future revenue into the present.The dissertation unfolds in three parts. The inaugural section, “Deconstructing Fantasies; (Re)Conceptualizing Capital,” problematizes foundational economic theories, scrutinizes capital’s ontological and theological underpinnings, and juxtaposes capitalization to sharīʿa’s moral cosmology. In doing so, it destabilizes conventional dichotomies between the economic and the political, probing deeply into capitalization’s metaphysical affinities with the metaphysics of modernity. The second part, “Explicating Capitalification,” foregrounds the structural transformations of the Ottoman Empire, dissecting its evolution in response to capitalistic imperatives. The narrative delves into the moral cosmologies that underpinned the Empire’s existence and the subsequent structural transformation of the empire, focusing particularly on fiscal centralization, the interplay of debt and power, and technologies of capitalification. This section interrogates the Ottoman Empire’s projects in southeastern Syria, excavating its endeavors in controlling the Bedouin, the implementation of education policies, and its intricate land codes and registration policies. In the third and final part, “Post-Ottoman Legacies,” the narrative transitions to spotlighting the residual colonial imprints on Transjordan’s emergent state structures and its intricate class formations. This part of the exploration takes a critical view of the Jordanian state’s production as an effect through colonizing mechanisms, mechanisms of colonization that limited production, and the performative aspects of class as an effect of citational practices. By focusing on different stratifications such as shaykhs, soldiers, and workers, this section demystifies the intricacies of class within the Transjordanian context, particularly in relation to the capitalization of land and debt-induced expropriation.

Cuba is a communist country an estimated population of 11,075,244(2013), Cuba is located about ninety-three miles south of Key West, Florida. Cuba has been ruled by the communist regime of Fidel Castro, and now his younger brother Raul Castro. For over fifty years this regime has forced a major increase in the amount of people migrating to the United States. The regime has been disregarding basic human rights for decades and oppressing Cuba’s citizens. Hundreds of thousands of Cubans have come to the United States using boats, rafts, or any means available. The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 (amended in 1994 to contain the Wet Foot, Dry Foot Policy) states that if Cubans trying to reach the United States are intercepted at sea, they will be sent back to Cuba, or a third country. If they make it to United States soil, they will have the chance to start the journey to becoming citizens of the United States. Many Cubans die at sea trying to reach the United States for this chance at citizenship. There have been attempts to implement immigration policy in the past. President Obama is now trying to reform current immigration laws. What effects could a new immigration policy have on Cuban immigration versus the legislation put forth in the past? This study will be an examination and analysis of past and Cuban immigration policy and issues. This research paper utilizes government websites, news articles, presidential addresses, books and various sources to address this question. My hope is that this study will help to explain the impact past policies and reform had on Cuban immigration, and the impact proposed policy and current issues may have in the future.

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Between 1963 and 1968, Lyndon B. Johnson struggled to take advantage of increasing instability in Eastern Europe. By negotiating Most Favored Nation trade treaties and using the Import-Export Bank of America to finance "deferred payment" trade arrangements, Johnson hoped to strengthen American and Eastern European relations. Where Johnson failed to arrange new trade agreements he opted for broadening diplomatic ties. Johnson believed advantages to this strategy included weakening Soviet hegemony in the Warsaw nations, generating a new influx of trade to stabilize the American balance of payments, and preventing Soviet expansion into third world nations. I argue that President Johnson was unsuccessful in Eastern Europe because certain segments of Congress would not support deeper ties with Communist nations. Congress' refusal to treat with the Warsaw Nations stemmed from two sources: a refusal to validate the Communist system and increasing American involvement in the Vietnam War. President Johnson promoted improved interactions, desiring stronger East- West ties and weaker Soviet control in the region. Congress endorsed the international isolation of Communist nations, aiming to cause economic collapse in the Communist governments. / History

This thesis argues that the works of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels have been wildly misinterpreted and mischaracterized in the contemporary field of political theory. By comparing Marx and Engels’s original writings with multiple contemporary Marxist perspectives, I find that contemporary Marxist theory bears little resemblance to that of Marx and Engels. I prove that the popular characterizations of Marxism as teleological and Marx as an idealist are incorrect, finding that most critics neglect to consider the possibility of a scientific, non-teleological determinism. In place of the contradictory interpretations proposed by contemporary theorists, I illuminate several overlooked elements of Marx’s work and present a more accurate model for understanding communism. With it, I make the case that Marxism is not teleological or prophetic, but has also not been disproven by history. Unless they are someday proven wrong, Marx and Engels’s work alone stands as a coherent and factual scientific analysis of the current mode of production—and is the only way out of it.

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