一九七九年中共「十一屆三中全會」確定了「鄧小平路線」, 由於對外來 資金與技術的需求, 間接影響其世界觀與對外政策; 在馬列毛思維體系中 本就是趨從於政治的法律, 也產生了變化。條約法是國際法的一個專門領 域, 也是國際法學中發展較為完善的一門。中共自認為一九七九年 (尤其 是八○年) 之後, 應以發展「有中國特色的條約法學」為重心; 據其所 稱, 這是一種馬克思主義、列寧主義、毛澤東思想及「新中國」實踐的總 合。儘管「有中國特色的條約法學」具有濃厚的宣傳意味, 但一九七九年 之後, 中共關於條約法的理論、研究與官方行為, 確實有極大的轉變 : 制定詳細的條約締結程序法、派遣國際法學家參與國際法院法官的選舉參 與相關的條約法公約的制定、出版條約法專書、他與西方國家締結條約數 目大增、降低條約法的鬥爭性......等等。除上所述, 本論文也從國際條 約法的角度, 觀察、分析中共在「香港問題」上所產生的種種問題, 並藉 以究討台海兩岸間協議的性質、效力。

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 378-398).

Drawing on the assumptions that old ideologies persist over a long period of time, impact on intercultural communication, and can be identified in texts, this study is a critical analysis of the content of an English as a Foreign Language (EFL) textbook, which was published between 1983 and 1988 in communist Romania. Specifically, the research questions of the present study are: 1) How do the EFL textbook‘s readings represent the relationship between Romanian and non-Romanian people?, and 2) What are the sociopolitical implications of these representations? Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA), as well as content analysis and literary theory, the method of analysis of this study builds on central concepts such as ideology and intertextuality, and delivers a multilayered framework of analysis that comprises the historical and ideological context of the texts, as well as the context of other texts. The findings show that the communist ideology was legitimated and transmitted in language textbooks, and, compared to the Romanians, non-Romanians were unequally represented.

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.

This thesis explores one particular facet of contemporary state-society relationship in China, i.e. state-student relationship. By arguing against the popular observation that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) retreated from Chinese universities as a way of winning students’ support, this thesis claims that the party-state has adopted a “bird cage” strategy in post-Tiananmen university governance. That is to say, the party-state has not only re-established and strengthened its control institutions in universities, but at same time expanded its zone of tolerance and created new outlets for students’ political enthusiasm and participation. A four-city, seven-university field survey was conducted, the result of which supports the view that the CCP’s post-Tiananmen governance strategy has been effective. Respondents agree that party’s governing institutions are resilient and play important roles in students’ life. They also seem to be in agreement with, at least as the survey results indicate, important political ideas promoted by the party-state.

When analyzing the policies of the John F. Kennedy administration towards the People’s Republic of China, previous historians have focused on the lack of substantive change, emphasizing the continuity of action with the prior polices of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration. At the same time, a number of historians have noted that it was during the years Kennedy was in office that a majority of the American people began viewing communist China as a greater threat to world peace than the Soviet Union. However, none have sought to explain this sizeable shift in public opinion, or analyze its potential impact on policy. This thesis incorporates archival materials with contemporary print and visual media to make a connection between the sources of public opinion shifts and a change in the assumptions upon which U.S. China policy was based. Almost from the moment the new president assumed office, Robert Komer at the National Security Council and Chester Bowles at the State Department began pushing for changes in China policy based on the assumptions that the communist regime was not a “passing phase,” would only become more powerful and over time constitute an inexorable greater threat to U.S. interests in Asia, and that rapprochement, rather than isolation, was the best means of ameliorating this threat. Together with James Thomson, Roger Hilsman, and eventually Walt Rostow, they pushed for the adoption of what A. Doak Barnett would later term “Containment Without Isolation.” While the Sino-Soviet split accentuated charges of Chinese anti-white racism and the Great Leap Forward reinforced the sense of Mao’s irrationality, the Sino-Indian War confirmed both rising Chinese power and their leadership’s capacity for rational calculation. Meanwhile, in the popular culture, particularly motion pictures, the Yellow Peril enjoyed a revival as Chinese villains stepped to the fore, beginning to free themselves of their Soviet masters. However, while foreign Chinese were feared as never before, Chinese in America gained new acceptance. Laying the groundwork for the next five decades of China policy and enemy images, Kennedy’s Thousand Days constituted a turning point.

Drawing on the assumptions that old ideologies persist over a long period of time, impact on intercultural communication, and can be identified in texts, this study is a critical analysis of the content of an English as a Foreign Language (EFL) textbook, which was published between 1983 and 1988 in communist Romania. Specifically, the research questions of the present study are: 1) How do the EFL textbook‘s readings represent the relationship between Romanian and non-Romanian people?, and 2) What are the sociopolitical implications of these representations? Based on critical discourse analysis (CDA), as well as content analysis and literary theory, the method of analysis of this study builds on central concepts such as ideology and intertextuality, and delivers a multilayered framework of analysis that comprises the historical and ideological context of the texts, as well as the context of other texts. The findings show that the communist ideology was legitimated and transmitted in language textbooks, and, compared to the Romanians, non-Romanians were unequally represented.

The objectives of the present study were (1) to examine the relationship between culture and value concepts, (2) to compare Post-communist Turkic students studying in Turkish universities and Turkish university students based on their value structures, and (3) to attempt to integrate Triandis&rsquo / and Schwartz&rsquo / s conceptualizations of culture. The sample of this study consisted of Turkish university students (N=292) and Post-communist Turkic students studying in Turkish universities (N=299). Individualism-Collectivism (INDCOL) Scale measuring individualism-collectivism and vertical-horizontal dimensions of culture and Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ) measuring the main value types and dimensions were employed to all participants together with some demographic measures. Partial correlation analysis (gender and age were controlled) revealed systematic relationships between culture and value types in expected direction. Horizontal-collectivists appeared to give priority to value of benevolence, vertical-individualists to achievement, and vertical-collectivists to power. The comparison of two samples indicated that Post-communist Turkic sample reported higher levels of embeddedness and lower levels of intellectual autonomy, affective autonomy and egalitarianism than Turkish students. The findings concerning the integration of different culture and value conceptualizations demonstrated that Post-communist Turkic sample reported higher levels of vertical-collectivism and lower levels of horizontal-individualism than Turkish sample supporting acclimation-compensation hypothesis. Findings were discussed in the light of relevant literature and characteristics of the samples, recent developments in Central Asia, and acculturation issues. The study has contributed to the existing literature on the cross-cultural validation of relationship between culture and value conceptualizations using student samples from rarely examined cultures.

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Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 316-329. Index.