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This study traces the attempt by Pol Pot's Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) - renamed the party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK) in 1982 - to regain the power it lost in January 1979 as a result of a Vietnamese invasion. It describes broadly the CPK/PDK armed struggle from 1979 to 1991 and examines in detail PDK efforts to return to power through the 1991 Paris Agreements, a peace settlement implemented by the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). The study reinterprets the determinants of PDK political behaviour between its signature of the Paris Agreements and its decision in June 1992 not to implement the Agreements' provisions for demobilization of its armed forces under UNTAC auspices. It argues that despite the bitter souring of relations between Pol Pot and the Vietnamese Communists, PDK's turn-around can only be understood by taking seriously the doctrinal roots of PDK thinking within the Marxist-Leninist tradition, and in particular by treating it as an offshoot of the Vietnamese-dominated Indochinese Communist Party that gave birth to the CPK. It shows that the key concept upon which Pol Pot relied to fight his enemies after 1979 was the Vietnamese doctrine of "people's war", including its tactical prescriptions on Communist participation in parliamentary struggle and "peace agreements", such as that which the Vietnamese had signed in 1973. A major theme of the study is the self-delusional aspects of PDK's obsession with the Vietnamese-derived notion of people's war. The key self-delusion was the belief that by ever-more-correctly following properly-selected aspects of the script of people's war, PDK could renew the political support among the Cambodian peasantry that had supposedly been the basis of Pol Pot's seizure of power in 1975. The study shows how such hopes were revealed as illusory under the domestic political circumstances resulting from UNTAC's implementation of the Paris Agreements. UNTAC created political openings that PDK's non-Communist rival, the National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), was able to exploit, while PDK was too unpopular to take advantage of similar opportunities and thus floundered.

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A typical Chinese intellectual has not only sense, but also sensibility. But, the problem is the balance in between. After dealing with sensibility well, the rationality of an intellectual is able to work well. And that makes the life completely. In this dimension, the Chinese intellectuals are a special community in Chinese society. It has great influence on cultural, political, economical, and societal changes in every historical stage. Especially, it affects the Chinese modernization process. Therefore, questions about Chinese intellectuals are becoming a focus to academic circles around the world. However, to Chinese Communist Party (CCP), intellectuals are nothing more than hangdogs. Besides, in CCP, those who take charge in the end are the Peripheries in the old society. Somehow, Chinese intellectuals walk on a continuous marginalizing way. CCP`s policy toward the intellectuals can be divided into two parts, and they are Before and After the Establishment of People`s Republic China, and former could be also named WWII or War against Japan phase. The policy in former stage focused on three contradictions: 1. Partiality versus Humanity; 2. Dogma versus Academy; 3. Democracy versus Enslavement. And its practices are: 1. Political discrimination; 2. Pullback on work; 3. Carelessness on life. The CCP used some ways like lines struggle, self- and public-criticism, innuendo-criticism, verbal and violent struggle, etc, to reach its goal. From viewpoints of Materialism and class, the CCP thought that knowledge should serve proletariat and must be combined with labor, and two principles should be held firmly: 1. every move of CCP should be connected with mass; 2. the goal of central CCP leadership. In the second stage, CCP planed some principles for coming communism society, and these principles tried to overturn old relation of production, to replace private ownership, to ruin ruling class and class itself, and to erase division of labor based on private ownership. CCP tried to let everyone have full development and real freedom. So, policies they adopted like hundred flower blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend, Struggle-criticism-transformation policy during Cultural Revolution, Policy after Lin Biao Incident, Policy after collapse of Gang of Four, etc. 21st century is an age of Knowledge-based Economy, and intellectuals play a more important role in this century. And in this age, everyone must have some practice and experience to find the true meaning of life, and the target worth for fighting. In the future, those who do not advance, go backward and who goes back goes under.

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In 1919, the Bolshevik Party of Russia formed the Communist International (Comintern) to lead the international communist movement. As part of its efforts, it maintained a strong commitment to supporting colonial liberation, self-determination of nations, and racial equality. Many scholars of the Comintern and the Soviet Union assume that Moscow demanded firm discipline of all member parties and these parties largely followed its lead. But the Comintern was not as monolithic as is often presumed. Colonial affairs frequently were overlooked and European Communist Parties often skirted their commitment to supporting their colonial counterparts. Individual communists took it upon themselves to promote anti-imperialism or racial equality, but their efforts were frequently hampered by the tactical shifts of the Comintern and eventually, the erosion of Moscow’s interest. Frequently, the prioritization of certain issues in the Comintern proved to be the most important factor in determining Comintern interference in member parties. This dissertation includes the first comparative analysis of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada and Australia on issues of anti-imperialism, nationality, and race. In comparing these parties, this study explores the limits of Moscow’s control of other Communist Parties, while detailing the similarities and differences in the efforts of these three parties to combat imperialism, support colonial liberation, and fight for national rights and racial equality. This dissertation is the first to detail the Canadian and Australian communism’s efforts, sometimes on their own initiative, on anti-imperialism, nationality and racial equality during the interwar period, to provide new conclusions about Comintern intervention in South Africa, and to highlight the prioritization of the Comintern as each party sees Moscow’s intervention on these issues to very different degrees. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In 1919, the Bolshevik Party of Russia created the Communist International, an organization to lead communist parties throughout the world. Through this body, the Bolsheviks and international communists promoted colonial liberation, racial equality, and self-determination of nations. This dissertation uses the examples of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada, and Australia to show that each party dealt with these issues differently, saw different levels of intervention from the Communist International, and the severity of this intervention is directly tied to the priorities of the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Also included in this study is a comparative analysis of the tactics of all three parties, including the efforts of individual communists in each nation in developing platforms unique to the local conditions they were facing.