Abstract The following study is concerned with the nature of utopianism in the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA). The presence of utopianism is explored over the whole of the Party’s history from 1921 to 1950. The study is essentially a historical sociology piece, and is based on the assumption that ideas are constitutive of social reality, and in particular, that utopianism is an active ingredient in society. The CPSA’s utopian vision for a future South African emerged amidst the excitement generated amongst socialists worldwide by the success of the Bolshevik Revolution. Over the years CPSA members drew on a range of traditions and identities that shaped the content and form of the CPSA’s utopianism. This utopianism was influenced by a modernist discourse of Marxism, which was characterised by a strong confidence in the realisation of a socialist future. The CPSA’s vision was also shaped by the political landscape of South Africa, and by the influence of the Communist International. The discussions of the CPSA’s form and content provide background to an analysis of the function of utopianism in the CPSA. An investigation of utopianism’s function in the Party informs the most significant finding of the research. Utopianism played a positive role in the CPSA: it was a critical tool, and a mobilising and sustaining force. However, utopianism in the CPSA also revealed a destructive side. The negative role of utopianism in the CPSA is explored via two themes: the ‘Bolshevisation’ or purging of the CPSA in the 1930s under the directive of the Communist International, and the CPSA’s often blind loyalty to the Soviet Union. The presence of utopianism in the CPSA is thus shown to have been ambiguous. In conclusion it is suggested that utopianism is an ambiguous presence in society more generally, as it has the potential to function as both a positive and a negative force in society. This is an under explored topic in the literature on utopianism. The role that utopianism will play in any given social group is context related, however. The study argues for a more contextualised approach than is adopted in many of the seminal texts on utopia, to understanding the way in which utopianism is manifest and functions in society. The study sheds new light on the history of the Party, by revealing a previously unexplored story in the CPSA’s history, and makes a contribution to sociology in providing a detailed exploration of the nature and function of utopianism.

Citizens around the world are using the Internet to connect with an international community, speak out against governmental injustices, and dissolve informational barriers. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP), a regime known for its strict control and harsh repression, is faced with the challenge of balancing an appropriate amount of civilian freedom on the Internet while still maintaining its monopolistic power. How does a one-party system successfully maintain control over the flow of information and sustain its unchallenged control of citizens in an increasingly-liberalized world? The Party’s answer to this question is a finely-tuned Internet censorship strategy, which this paper seeks to investigate.

The research is mainly to discuss about the realization of enlistment recruits in Chinese Naval Recruit Training Center of psychological warfare from the Communist Party of China, morale of armed conflict between Strait, and support of affixing ECFA. To make use of their age, education, politic tendency, residence,yearly revenue, whether have visited mainland China and whether their families migrated to Taiwan with KMT government in 1949 as variable analysis which corresponding to previous description. Use the self-designed poll ¡§The cognition of enlistment recruits about the relationship between Strait¡¨ as an instruction to survey these enlistment recruits, and SPSS statistical software to analysis variable above-mentioned and the recognitions of these enlistment recruits. According to outcome of our analysis, we found that it has different influences among the conditions, including age, education, yearly revenue, whether have visited mainland China, culture awareness, identification or recognition? political education, intention to work or to study in mainland China, psychological warfare from the Communist Party of China, morale of armed conflict between Strait, and affixing ECFA.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris III, 1978. / Includes indexes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 787-823).

China’s current crop of leaders has inherited a country full of promise. After the disastrous socialist transformation under Mao, Deng Xiaoping and his successors have implemented large scale, successful economic and social reforms and in less than two generations brought China to the forefront of the global economy. As a result they have gartered most of the praise, glory, and often, economic windfall, associated with China’s success. The goal of this thesis is to examine the complex, non-linear fashion in which China’s top leadership is chosen, and explore the best possible paths to ascend the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. An investigation of China’s current governing leaders’ paths to power will be included to illuminate how various factors including merit, patronage, institutional role, and luck play a part in the ultimate makeup of China’s top leadership. Key findings show that family pedigree, faction loyalty, and exceptional performance in important roles, especially in provincial governments are the most influential variables when predicting Chinese leadership.

This thesis explores the pervasive political divide within Canada’s Hungarian communities between communists and nationalist conservatives. Both sides in this conflict struggled for ownership of Hungarian national symbols and the right to be seen as the “true” guardians of Hungarian identity in Canada. While religious differences between Roman Catholic and Calvinist Hungarian immigrants served as a divisive force in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the arrival of a massive wave of new immigrants from the lands of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Empire after the First World War introduced into Canada the fiery political divisions between the far left and right that engulfed Hungary in 1918/19. Throughout the interwar period, during the Second World War and in the Cold War era, successive regimes in Budapest intervened, further politicized and divided Canada’s Hungarian communities, separating them into “loyal” and “disloyal” camps. But both communist and conservative Hungarian-Canadian leaders demonstrated a significant level of agency by often charting their own course and thus confounding their allies in Budapest. This thesis argues that Hungarian-Canadian communists only paid lip service to the Marxist language of class conflict, while national self-identification trumped class-based identity or internationalism, and conservative nationalists represented a large, politically heterogeneous camp, divided by generational conflicts and tensions between immigrant cohorts.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 1986. / Title from title screen (19th January, 2009) Bibliography: leaves 463-501. Also available in print form.

abstract: In the former British colony of Malaya, communism is a controversial subject that often invites significant scrutiny from government officials and pro-British scholars who describes the radical movement as a foreign conspiracy to dominate the small Southeast Asian nation. The primary goal of this thesis, therefore, is to reinterpret and revise the current established history of Malayan communism in a chronological and unbiased manner that would illustrate that the authoritative accounts of the movement was not only incomplete but was also written with explicit prejudice. The secondary goal of this thesis is to argue that the members of the Malayan Communist Party were actually nationalists who embraced leftist ideology as a means to fight against colonialism. By examining the programs and manifestoes issued by the Party over the years, it is clear that the communists were in fact had been arguing for social reforms and independence rather than a Russian-style proletarian revolution. This research scrutinizes the authoritative texts written by Cold War-era scholars such as Gene Hanrahan as well as newly published historical analysis of the period by Cheah Boon Kheng in addition to memoirs of surviving members of the Party such as Chin Peng and Abdullah C.D. The evidence indicates that early understandings of the Malayan communist movement were heavily influenced by Cold War paranoia and that over time it had become the accepted version of history. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2011

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-01-17T12:23:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Ede Ricardo de Assis Soares.pdf: 2560178 bytes, checksum: 2cfb2ee7cab3f0403816d7a813694c0a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2014-02-03T14:57:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Ede Ricardo de Assis Soares.pdf: 2560178 bytes, checksum: 2cfb2ee7cab3f0403816d7a813694c0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-03T14:57:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Ede Ricardo de Assis Soares.pdf: 2560178 bytes, checksum: 2cfb2ee7cab3f0403816d7a813694c0a (MD5) / Esta dissertação analisa a militância dos membros do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), na cidade de Alagoinhas/BA, entre os anos de 1945 a 1956. No percurso desta pesquisa, relacionamos as ações dos comunistas à formação de uma cultura política de esquerda no município e seus efeitos para o jogo político em curso durante esses anos. This dissertation analysis the militancy of the communist party members, in the town of Alagoinhas/BA, between 1945 and 1956. The political choices of the communists were crossed with the making of a left wing political culture in the city and their effects to the local political power at these years. We investigate the tactics used by the party when it was legalized and across the time when the party became clandestine.

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