This thesis explores the pervasive political divide within Canada’s Hungarian communities between communists and nationalist conservatives. Both sides in this conflict struggled for ownership of Hungarian national symbols and the right to be seen as the “true” guardians of Hungarian identity in Canada. While religious differences between Roman Catholic and Calvinist Hungarian immigrants served as a divisive force in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the arrival of a massive wave of new immigrants from the lands of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Empire after the First World War introduced into Canada the fiery political divisions between the far left and right that engulfed Hungary in 1918/19. Throughout the interwar period, during the Second World War and in the Cold War era, successive regimes in Budapest intervened, further politicized and divided Canada’s Hungarian communities, separating them into “loyal” and “disloyal” camps. But both communist and conservative Hungarian-Canadian leaders demonstrated a significant level of agency by often charting their own course and thus confounding their allies in Budapest. This thesis argues that Hungarian-Canadian communists only paid lip service to the Marxist language of class conflict, while national self-identification trumped class-based identity or internationalism, and conservative nationalists represented a large, politically heterogeneous camp, divided by generational conflicts and tensions between immigrant cohorts.

The aim of the thesis is to find out, if is the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia an anti-system party. The theoretical framework shall be based on works by authors who have dealt with the theory antisystemicity. First of all, the theory G. Sartori and G. Capoccia. From this is deduced operationalized definition of antisystemicity which is applied in the practical part. This definition is divided into two main points: delegitimizing effect and democracy. The thesis uses analytical method to reach its goal, primarily analyzes the intra-party documents. This thesis also analyzes documents describing the future look of the socialist society that the KSČM would like to achieve. In conclusion thesis comes to the fact that the Communist Party fulfill features of antisystemicity only partially. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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Recognized as one of the most revolutionary labor unions in America during the early twentieth-century by the general public and the federal government, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) separated themselves from the rest of the labor unions because of their success in executing general strikes and their brash appeal. The group advocated tactics which, the organization believed, would strengthen the country's labor movement, which included “dual unionism” and a stance against politically affiliated groups. During a period of poor labor conditions and inadequate income with long working hours the United States experienced a swell of labor unions that looked to change the status quo. The IWW fought for industrial workers as opposed to craft workers, which meant the organization consisted of those who were rejected from craft union groups such as immigrant as well as ethnic workers. The creation of the IWW was a response to the monopoly the American Federation of Labor (AFL) held over the rest of the labor unions. As one of its primary qualities, the IWW separated itself from the AFL and other labor groups by enforcing its “dual unionist” stance, which prohibited any IWW member from infiltrating said labor unions. Towards the end of World War I the Bolshevik Party inside Russia overthrew the Tsar and the provisional government during the Russian Revolution. The Bolsheviks then created a state in which the workers held control of the country. While the Communist ideology and the syndicalist beliefs of the IWW were not identical, leaders of the IWW saw the advantages of supporting Communism. However, the General Executive Board (GEB) of the IWW prohibited affiliation with the Communist Party, as the organization felt threatened by the party's attraction. Remaining firm in its stance as a “dual unionist” organization the IWW disassociated itself from the Communist Party. The inability for the GEB to compromise on tactics that could have potentially amalgamate the two groups shrank the organization. Former IWW members, such as Bill Haywood, William Z. Foster, and James P. Cannon left the IWW and joined the Communist Party with hopes of furthering America's labor movement. To better understand what life was like for labor activists in the early twentieth-century one has to see the progressions workers took to achieve their goals. In this case, “history from above,” represented by the three former IWW members already mentioned, (Haywood, Foster, and Cannon) shows how change was accomplished by the transition from one organization to another. The IWW was a change from previous labor groups in the 1900s and 1910s, but became stagnate as the organization refused to alternate the tactics it implemented. In order to establish a successful labor movement, collaboration was paramount, which, in turn, rejected the concept of “dual unionism.”

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M.A. / The following dissertation examines the political and economic policy approaches of the South African Communist Party for, in main, the period 1993 to 1996. The study is an exploratory one and relies largely upon the policy expressions that have emanated from the SACP, in official or related documents, during the period 1993 to 1996. Although interviewees are acknowledged in the appended source list, these have not been explicitly referred to in the text. The dissertation opens with the submission of an hypothesis, towards the tentative substantiation of which it works throughout. The hypothesis should none the less be subject to further consideration and critique. The central argument made in the dissertation is that: It is a product of the revisionism within the SACP that followed the upheavals in the Soviet bloc and the Apartheid state in the period 1989 to 1993, that the Party should no longer be understood according to older Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy or the two-stage revolutionary theory that sustained it during the exile period of 1950 to 1990. Moreover, the Party's fusion with the ANC by means of common programmatic platforms, in 1955 and again in 1993/1994, has allowed it to neglect the development of its vision of a post-apartheid socialist transformation. These factors resulted in the elimination of tangible benchmarks according to which the Party could have measured progress towards socialism in the period after the South African democratic election of 1994, and have exacerbated the Party's inability, by itself, or as part of a Left vanguard, to engage effectively with the Rightward shift that the post-apartheid democracy has taken since 1996. The study concludes, however, that there is some scope for the Party to engage with the global 'neo-liberal' order and South Africa's essentially liberal democracy. This engagement might be based upon the Party's now secular political agenda and should be aimed at deepening South Africa's democracy.

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This thesis deals with the regional functioning of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia at the regional level in the first years after the end of the Second World War, specifically the Regional Committee of the Communist Party in Brno, which at that time was headed by the regional secretary Otto Šling. He was arrested in October 1950 as an enemy of the party and the state. He then became the key figure in the political process with Rudolf Slánský, the Communist Party's general secretary. Otto Šling was a former interbrigadist in the civil war in Spain in the period from 1936 to 1939. During the Second World War, this communist politician of Jewish descent participated in the Czechoslovak anti-nazi resistance movement in the Great Britain. These facts certainly contributed to his arrest in 1950 and his later condemnation and execution in 1952. Otto Šling was one of the first senior officials of the Communist Party to be a target of the policy of seeking "class enemies" in the Communist movement in Czechoslovakia. The inhuman brutal investigation of his person led to the prosecution of the second man in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Rudolf Slánský. However, this work is primarily focused on Šling's activities in the Brno branch of the Communist Party between 1945 and 1950 in connection with his...

The thesis deals with propaganda poster as a specific medium of communist propaganda between 1948 - 1956. The first part describes a historical context regarding the social, political and economical reconstruction. The thesis is focusing on poster as a specific tool of propaganda concerning a connection to Soviet Union and a socialist realism as an official art style. At the same time the thesis is describing the communist propaganda and its characteristic elements with the connection to a new media control and censorship. The propaganda poster is viewed as a distinctive medium used by communist propaganda for a persuasion and ideological influence to society. The thesis is focusing on posters oriented on building a new attitudes to work and work process as a typical part of first years of communist regime in the time of building of a socialism in Czechoslovakia. Based on archive files the work is describing how and in which institutions were the posters controled and created. The last part is trying to bring an analysis of specificgroups of posters from the representation, stereotypes, input contect, typical rhetoric and symbols point of view.

The thesis deals with the emergence of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and its development in the 1920s. The first part is devoted to the historical roots of the socialist movement in Austria-Hungary and the Czech lands and maps the birth of the Communist Party from the left wing of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party. Furthermore, the thesis focuses on the policy and internal development of the Communist Party in the 1920s in connection with its relationship to the Communist International. It also describes the most important events that influenced the party, individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, their conclusions and in the context there is explained the strategic-tactical direction of the party. The thesis also monitors the development of communist agitation before the parliamentary elections of 1925 and 1929 and the results of these elections. The work uses specialized literature, protocols of individual congresses of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and articles from the period press. KEYWORDS Czechoslovakia, political party, communism, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, bolshevization