A veiculação de uma perspectiva comunitária voltada para a aproximação/integração dos países latino-americanos recebeu destacada importância nas produções culturais brasileiras das décadas de 1960 e 1970. Especialmente no âmbito das manifestações artísticas, novas articulações em torno de uma identidade latino-americana surgiam na pauta dos debates político-culturais. A partir deste contexto, o presente trabalho visa refletir sobre a importância do ideal americanista para a poesia brasileira do período, dando destaque à produção poética de Ferreira Gullar e Thiago de Mello. A escolha por estes dois autores justifica-se pela intensidade e dramaticidade com que suas obras encarnaram as esperanças e contradições da época, tanto no que se refere aos dilemas formais inerentes a uma concepção poética disposta a atuar politicamente na realidade social, transformando-a, como no espaço que oferecem à representação de uma união solidária entre os países da América Latina. A partir da leitura de seus poemas buscamos matizar a posição da fulguração americanista dentro de um projeto político e estético mais amplo, bem como os lugarescomuns que acompanham sua concretização formal. Damos especial atenção aos eventos e personagens que, a nosso ver, catalisam o viés comunitário daquele período, tornando-se protagonistas de vários poemas e confundindo-se simbolicamente com o próprio desejo de aproximação solidária: a Revolução Cubana, a celebridade de Pablo Neruda e Che Guevara e o exílio dos poetas brasileiros em países da América Latina, destacadamente no Chile de Allende, onde testemunharam a euforia construtiva e a frustração traumática do projeto socialista. Por fim, propomos um balanço crítico das limitações desta tendência, sem desconsiderar a importância de tais ensaios supranacionais em um país pouco sensível ao diálogo com culturas e sociedades afins, como tem confirmado a história brasileira. Encerramos a pesquisa vasculhando os escombros do discurso americanista nas obras mais recentes dos poetas De uma vez por todas (1996) e Campo de Milagres (1998), de Thiago de Mello, e Muitas Vozes (1999) e Em alguma parte alguma (2010) de Ferreira Gullar publicadas na última década do último século e na primeira do século corrente. Num contexto marcado pela consolidação da chamada globalização neoliberal e de crise dos discursos utópicos que sustentavam a aspiração comunitária procuramos identificar e examinar novos arranjos discursivos e, a partir deles, sugerir o lugar (ou não-lugar) da América Latina no rol de preocupações da poesia brasileira contemporânea. / The propagation of a community perspective toward the approach/integration of Latin American countries received outstanding importance in the brazilian cultural productions of the 1960s and 1970s. Especially in the context of artistic manifestations, new articulations around a \"Latin American identity\" appeared on the agenda of political and cultural debates. This work aims to reflect on the importance of americanist ideal for brazilian poetry of the period, highlighting the poetic production of Ferreira Gullar and Thiago de Mello. The choice of these two authors is justified by the intensity and drama that his works embody the hopes and contradictions of the era, both in relation to the formal dilemmas inherent in a poetic conception willing to act politically on the national reality, transforming it, and in the space that offers the representation of a union and solidarity between the countries of Latin America. From his poems, then, we can gradate the position of the Americanist glare within a broader political and aesthetic project, as well as the platitudes that accompany its formal implementation. We give attention to the events and characters that, in our view, leverages the communitarian bias of those poets, becoming protagonists of several poems and symbolically mingling with their own desire for closer solidarity: the Cuban Revolution, the celebrity of Pablo Neruda and Che Guevara and the exile of the poets under study in Latin American countries, notably in Allende\'s Chile, where they witnessed the constructive euphoria and the traumatic frustration of the socialist project. Finally, we propose a critical review of the mistakes and limitations of this trend, without disregarding the importance of these supranational trials in a country not very sensitive to dialogue with cultures and societies alike, as it has confirmed the Brazilian history. We ended the research combing the rubble of the Americanist discourse in more recent works of the poets - De uma vez por todas (1996) and Campo de Milagres (1998), of Thiago de Mello, and Muitas Vozes (1999) and Em alguma parte alguma (2010) of Ferreira Gullar - published in the last decade of last century and in the first of the current century. In a context marked by the consolidation of the so-called neoliberal globalization and of crisis of the utopian discourse - that supported the communitarian aspiration - we tried to identify and examine the new discursive formulations and, from them, suggest the place (or non-place) of Latin America in the list of concerns of the contemporary Brazilian poetry.

In the wake of the First World War, reformers across the Western world questioned laissez-faire liberalism, the self-oriented and market-driven ruling doctrine of the nineteenth century. This philosophy was blamed, variously, for the war, for industrialisation and for urbanisation; for a way of life shorn of any meaning beyond getting and keeping; for the too great faith in materialism and in science; and for the loss of a higher, transcendent meaning that gave a unifying altruistic or spiritual purpose to individual existence and to society as a whole. For many, the cure to these ills lay in reforming the liberal social framework in ways that made it more fulfilling to the whole person and that strengthened ties between individuals. Dartington Hall was an outstanding practical example of this impulse to promote holistic, integrated living. It was a well-financed, internationally-minded social and cultural experiment set up on an estate in South Devon in 1925 by American heiress Dorothy Elmhirst (née Whitney) and her second husband, Leonard, son of a Yorkshire squire-parson. The Elmhirsts' project for redressing the effects of laissez-faire liberalism had two components. Instead of being treated as atomised individuals in the capitalist market, participants at Dartington were to achieve full self-realisation through a 'life in its completeness' that incorporated the arts, education and spirituality. In addition, through their active participation in running the community, they were to demonstrate how integrated democracy could bring about the perfection of individuals and the progress of society as a whole. The Elmhirsts hoped that Dartington would provide a globally applicable model for a better way of life. This thesis is a close study of Dartington's interlinked constellation of experiments in education, the arts, agriculture and social organisation - experiments that can only be understood by tracing them back to their shared roots in the idea of 'life in its completeness'. At the same time, it explores how Dartington's philosophy and trajectory illuminate the wider reform landscape. The Elmhirsts' community echoed and cross-pollinated with other schemes for social improvement in Britain, Europe, America and India, as well as feeding into the broad social democratic project in Britain. Dartington's evolution from an independent, elite-led reform project to one split between state-led and communitarian reform matched the trajectory of other such enterprises begun in interwar Britain, making it a bellwether of changes in reformist thinking across the century.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-20T18:16:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 linguagem_privada.pdf: 841449 bytes, checksum: 07ebf3d352878308a876b40eeb92565d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-20T18:16:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 linguagem_privada.pdf: 841449 bytes, checksum: 07ebf3d352878308a876b40eeb92565d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem como objeto principal de estudo o Argumento da Linguagem Privada, de Wittgenstein. Saul Kripke, em On Rules and Private Language (1982), propõe uma interpretação do argumento, vinculando-o à questão do seguir regras e do ceticismo. O resultado é a elaboração de uma visão comunitarista sobre ele. Assim, partimos de um estudo dos argumentos de Wittgenstein e do Wittgenstein de Kripke, para uma posterior confrontação entre ambos. Esta confrontação visa destacar os pressupostos característicos da interpretação kripkeana, possibilitando avaliá-la em termos de sua correção ou incorreção em relação à visão apresentada pelo próprio Wittgenstein. Visa também analisar fundamentalmente se ela faz justiça à questão comunitarista sobre o significado que o Argumentoda Linguagem Privada suscita. Assim, defendemos a possibilidade de uma visão comunitarista do significado partindo do Argumento da Linguagem Privada e uma abordagem de como ela pode ser desenvolvida em adequação ao pensamento wittgensteiniano das Investigações Filosóficas, apoiados no resultado da confrontação entre os já mencionados argumentos de Wittgenstein e de Kripke sobre Wittgenstein. / This work has as its main subject the study of the Private Language Argument, by Wittgenstein.Saul Kripke, in On Rules and Private Language (1982), developed an interpretation of the Private Language Argument, attaching it to the question of rule-following and skepticism. As a result, is the development of a communitarian view on Wittgensteins argument. Thus, we start from a study of the arguments of Wittgenstein and of Kripkes Wittgenstein, aiming to a confrontation between them. This confrontation seeks to throw some light in the characteristic presuppositions of Kripkes interpretation, making possible to evaluate it in terms of his correction or not concerning Wittgensteins own view. Too, it analyses if it correctly considers the communitarian question about meaning that the Private Language Argument raise. Taking this point in relation to the question of meaning, we defend the possibility of a communitarian view of the Private Language Argument and how it can be developed adequately concerning the wittgensteinean thought, based on the results of the confrontation between the arguments by Wittgensteinand by Kripke on Wittgenstein.

Libéré de l'occupation Ottomane en fin de première Guerre Mondiale et placé sous mandat français jusqu'à son indépendance en 1943, le Liban va réussir à trouver une stabilité sécuritaire et économique jusqu'en 1975. En effet le 13 avril 1975, le Liban entre dans une longue période de guerre civile durant laquelle la capitale Beyrouth est divisée en deux parties : Beyrouth Est pour les Chrétiens et Beyrouth Ouest pour les Musulmans. L'Accord du Taëf signé en 1990 va mettre fin à cette guerre civile et place le pays sous une tutelle syrienne qui va durer jusqu'à l'assassinat de l'ancien premier ministre Rafic Hariri en 2005. Au moment où l'emplacement géographique du Liban, qui le place au centre du conflit arabo-israélien, vient s'ajouter aux différences inter/intra-communautaires, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure le développement et l'extension du football, modeste élément de cette grande histoire, en subissent les effets. Nous nous interrogeons plus précisément, comment ce sport s'est-il développé au Liban, quelles institutions ont été impliquées et la spécificité de la situation libanaise autorise-t-elle d'éventuelles comparaisons avec le développement du football ailleurs dans le monde ? Cette thèse, appuyée sur les archives locales, la presse spécialisée et divers entretiens avec des dirigeants et des joueurs libanais, tente de répondre à ces questions en montrant comment, en premier temps, le football va passer d'un sport universitaire à un sport populaire, puis en traçant l'histoire de l'institutionnalisation du football en 1933 et des années de gloire jusqu'à l'éclatement de la guerre civile en 1975. Et en montrant en dernier lieu comment la période de la guerre civile s'inscrit en réalité dans un temps long qui voit le confessionnalisme, c'est-à-dire le partage des pouvoirs en fonction de la communauté confessionnelle, s'imposer au Liban dans tous les secteurs de la société et en montrant comment le Liban va continuer à subir les conséquences de cette guerre / After being liberated from the Ottoman occupation in the end of the First World War and placed under the French mandate until its independence in 1943, Lebanon succeeded to maintain a certain stability on both economic and security levels until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975, and more specifically on April 13 of this year, when Beirut was divided into two clans: the Eastern clan inhabited by Christians and the Western clan inhabited by Muslims. The Taif Agreement (officially, the Document of National Accord) was the document that provided the basis for the ending of the civil war and agreed on the Syrian trusteeship that will last until the assassination of the Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in 2005. Since Lebanon’s geographical location inserts him in the heart of the Israeli Arab conflict and comes along with the inter and intra community differences, we wonder to what extent the development and the expansion of the football, a humble element in this large History, would undergo the effects. We wonder how has this sport developed in Lebanon, which institutions were involved? Does the situation in Lebanon allow such comparisons with the development of football elsewhere in the world? This paper tries to answer these questions thanks to local archives, specialized press and various interviews with Lebanese sport leaders and players. It shows in first place how the football has moved from being a university sport to a popular one, it traces in the second place the history of the football institutionalization in 1993 and during the years of glory until the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. It also shows that the civil war was rooted in reality in a long-term period during which confessionalism, i.e. the share of power based on the belonging to a religion, became the rule in most sectors of the Lebanese society

The present study is a political biography in the broad sense of Julius Karambage Nyerere. The main perspective has been his significance for nation-building in Tanzania. The dissertation is chronologically ordered after his life and restricted to the period 1922-1977. Five themes discussed in modern scholarship on nationalism and which are considered relevant to the study of African nationalism are treated: The origin and globalization of nationalism. From the perspective of the process of global nation-building, Nyerere's activities as nationalist leader in Tanzania are discussed, which contrary to his own wishes only embraced the former colonies Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Constructivism versus realism. Here it is shown that nationalism in Africa largely followed the colonial borders and were thus constructions without any connection to historically-relevant ethnic or cultural borders. The relationship between nationalism and modernity. The fundamental problematic in Nyerere's modernizing ambitions, i.e. to unite individual and collective interests in an harmonic interplay in the name of development, is treated. Strategies for nationalizing a populace. Here, the evolution of Nyerere's social vision - ujamaa or familyhood, is described. From the central idea of Tanzanian nationalism - development - the nationalists' construction of traditional African society would unite with modern society, in accordance with the basic ideas of African socialism. The significance of an elite for nation-building. In common with nationalism's development in Europe, African nationalism was led by elites. The transformation from "Black European" to "African Personality" went via education, primarily provided by Christian missionaries in Africa. Nyerere's education familiarized him with British colonialism, nationalism and cultural heritage as well as the British School of Social Anthropology, Catholic social teachings and communitarianism. The study shows that Nyerere's political thought was influenced by Fabian socialism, Catholic social teaching, communitarianism and political thinkers like Henry George, G.D.H. Cole, R.H. Tawney and Arthur W. Lewis. Nyerere realized his political ideas first as leader of the nationalist movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and after independence in 1961 as president up until 1985. He was called the "father of the nation" and ruled in his charismatic role as mwalimu, teacher. / digitalisering@umu

This thesis examines the concept of civil disobedience, and the role the latter can play in a democratic society. It aims to offer a moral justification for civil disobedience that departs from consequentialist or deontological considerations, and focuses instead on virtue ethics. By drawing attention to the notion of civic virtues, the thesis suggests that, under some circumstances, an act of civil disobedience is the very act displaying a virtuous disposition in the citizen who disobeys. Such disposition is interpreted in light of a duty each individual has to respect her fellow citizens as autonomous agents. This grounds, in turn, a moral obligation to respect the law. The central claim of the thesis is that the obligation towards the law is fulfilled not only through acts of obedience but also, under different circumstances, through acts of disobedience. The status of non-violence as a necessary component of civil disobedience is questioned, and it is argued that a degree of force or violence may be permissible in civil disobedience, when it is compatible with the duty to respect others’ autonomy. Subsequently, the thesis offers an analysis of ‘reasonableness’ as a civic virtue, and by comparing three different approaches to the issue of reasonable disagreement among democratic citizens, it defends the deliberative approach as the most suited for treating fellow citizens as autonomous agents. The last two chapters focus on the importance, for an act of civil disobedience, of the agent’s willingness to accept the legal consequences of her law-breaking behaviour. It is argued that a civil disobedient has an obligation to face the prospect of being punished for the breach of the law. However, in considering the behaviour of a virtuous civil disobedient who appears at her criminal trial, it is also claimed that she should plead not guilty and aim to persuade her fellow citizens that she does not deserve to be punished, because what she did does not constitute a criminal wrong. In doing so, this thesis depicts civil disobedience not as a merely permissible form of behaviour, but as a morally praiseworthy conduct within a democratic community.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism.

Will community television one day be lamented in the same way as the Glenn Valley Bridge Club in Pennsylvania, where no one remains 'who can tell us precisely when or why the group broke up' (Putnam, 2000: 15)? Robert Putnam's bestseller Bowling Alone proposed that people 'need to reconnect with one another' and rebuild their communities for the good of society. Although he may not have succeeded in instigating a revival of lawn bowls and bridge, Putnam did spark a debate about the meaning of "community" today and its role in bringing about positive social change. At a time when the communications landscape is set to transform with the introduction of digital broadcasting technology, this thesis looks at the status of community broadcasting and its role within civil society. Taking Australia's community television sector as its starting point, it aims to define the pressures, public philosophies and policy decisions that make community broadcasting what it is. This thesis is structured thematically and geographically. The introductory chapters establish the research question in relation to Australia's community broadcasting sector. As well as tracing the intellectual path of community media studies, it sets out to locate community broadcasting within broader intellectual debates around notions of community, governance and the media. These are brought back to the "on-the-ground" reality throughout the thesis by means of policy analysis, interviews and anecdotal evidence. Chapters Three to Five map out the themes of access, the public interest and development by reference to community broadcasting in different regions. In North America I explore notions of free speech and first-come-first served models of access. In Europe, notions of "quality", public service broadcasting and the difficult relationship that community broadcasting has with public interest values. Through the Third World and the Third Way I examine how community broadcasting is implicated within development discourse and ideas of social change. The final chapter of the thesis moves into the virtual region of the Internet, looking at changing notions of access and the relevance of new communications rationales to the community broadcasting project. At the intersection of the various themes and models discussed throughout the thesis exists a strong rationale for the future of community broadcasting. Although new technologies may be interpreted as the beginning of the end of community broadcasting, I have argued that in fact it is an idea whose time has come.

Thesis (M.A. (Political & International Studies)) - Rhodes University, 2009.