The political thought of President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania is examined in three main contexts: the individual and society, leadership, and economic and rural development. His published writings and speeches are the main sources of information, while relevant Tanzania Government publications are also consulted. It is seen that much of Nyerere's socio-political thought rests on values and behaviour patterns inherent in African traditional society. Leadership regulations have been devised to check elitist attitudes and behaviour. Collective efforts at rural development are considered to be the only realistic way to induce socioeconomic development throughout the whole country. It is found that Nyerere has developed a consistent and comprehensive body of ideas which deal with numerous aspects of the development of his nation. His thought is used as an emotive ideology in order to mobilize the people of Tanzania to develop their country both socially and economically through co-operative living and work habits. Various problems in regard to the implementation of Nyerere's ideas are considered; the most notable being his reluctance to take strong coercive measures to ensure that his fellow politicians remain true to the spirit of the Tanzanian ideology. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis focuses on the candidate selection method of the ruling party of Tanzania, Chama Cha Mapinduzi. The method was changed in 2008. Through interviews made with local politicians, state officials and voters in Babati an understanding of why and in what way the change was made is presented. The thesis also presents an understanding of in what way different stakeholders perceive this change. The changed candidate selection method is examined as part of Tanzania’s democratic consolidation. At the end of the thesis a discussion about obstacles and opportunities for a further democratic consolidation is presented.The thesis describes how the transformation of the candidate selection method is, by the party itself, presented as a way of widen democracy and fight corruption. While many of the informants believe that the transformation, at least to some extent, have contributed to increased democracy, most of them believe that the actual difference from the previous method is small, since the crucial decisions still are taken by the party elite. The informants' responses are describing a multi-party system with several major obstacles. They are also, however, describing how the situation slowly is changing for the better.

“To build a nation in the true sense (...) is to build the character of its people-of ourselves, to build an attitude of mind which will enables us to live together with our fellow citizen (...), in mutual friendliness and cooperation” Tanzania is a country consisting of more than 130 ethnicities and three major religions. It is surrounded by continuous conflict which could be seen as a suitable environment for identity-related violence to flourish, but instead it is a country that should be seen as a role model in dealing with ethnic religious identities through a self-created system, which includes a political vision and an ideology. The purpose of this thesis has been to explore and describe a country that has worked through politics for a society that has a place for religion, but not religion mixed with politics. The study is based on secondary empirical material and on field work done in the Babati district in Tanzania. The result is important for several reasons, in today’s identity-focused world, since it illustrates the need to recognize people's multiple identities, to be able to integrate to create a foundation of tolerance and respect between religions.

Cette thèse revisite l’histoire du projet panafricaniste, en s’inscrivant dans la dynamique intellectuelle actuelle qui, face à la mondialisation, vise à proposer des réponses adaptées aux problèmes politiques et économiques des nations africaines. Elle présente et analyse les personnalités et les grandes idées et courants idéologiques qui ont traversé cette histoire, mais elle se focalise tout particulièrement sur Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), grand panafricaniste dont le parcours et les idées demeurent dans l’ombre. Elle montre aussi comment, dans le contexte africain actuel de crise de leadership, ces idées peuvent s’insérer dans un renouveau panafricaniste. Cette thèse n’est cependant ni une étude de la politique mené par Nyerere en Tanzanie entre 1960 et 1985 ni une nouvelle histoire du panafricanisme. Elle participe simplement à la réflexion pour l’élaboration d’une politique panafricaniste globale, qui pourrait permettre de répondre aux enjeux socioéconomiques qui mobilisent les militants et les théoriciens panafricanistes en Afrique et au sein de la Diaspora. Cette réflexion s’appuie sur l’analyse d’un programme concret de solidarité panafricaniste transatlantique conçu par une association afro-américaine dénommé Pan-African Skills Project au début des années 1970 à partir de la vision de Julius Nyerere pour soutenir les efforts de ce dernier en matière de développement dans le cadre de la Tanzanie. / This dissertation revisits the history of the pan-Africanist project within the scope of the current intellectual trend, whose aim is to find appropriate solutions to tackle the problems of African nations in the globalized economy of today. It presents some African political figures whose ideas have shaped the history of Pan-Africanism while focusing more particularly on the theories of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), a great pan-Africanist still out of the limelight. It also demonstrates how in the context of the current leadership crisis in Africa these ideas can contribute to a revival of Pan-Africanism. This dissertation however is neither a study of the policies implemented by Nyerere in Tanzania between 1960 and 1985 nor a rewriting of the history of Pan-Africanism itself. Its only aim is to contribute to the ongoing intellectual movement of activists and theorists of Pan-Africanism who are committed to building a comprehensive pan-Africanist policy. This study is based on the analysis of a programme of concrete transatlantic pan-Africanist solidarity designed by an Afro-American association named Pan-African Sills Project in the early 1970 relying on the vision of Julius Nyerere in order to support his efforts for the development of Tanzania.

The present study is a political biography in the broad sense of Julius Karambage Nyerere. The main perspective has been his significance for nation-building in Tanzania. The dissertation is chronologically ordered after his life and restricted to the period 1922-1977. Five themes discussed in modern scholarship on nationalism and which are considered relevant to the study of African nationalism are treated: The origin and globalization of nationalism. From the perspective of the process of global nation-building, Nyerere's activities as nationalist leader in Tanzania are discussed, which contrary to his own wishes only embraced the former colonies Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Constructivism versus realism. Here it is shown that nationalism in Africa largely followed the colonial borders and were thus constructions without any connection to historically-relevant ethnic or cultural borders. The relationship between nationalism and modernity. The fundamental problematic in Nyerere's modernizing ambitions, i.e. to unite individual and collective interests in an harmonic interplay in the name of development, is treated. Strategies for nationalizing a populace. Here, the evolution of Nyerere's social vision - ujamaa or familyhood, is described. From the central idea of Tanzanian nationalism - development - the nationalists' construction of traditional African society would unite with modern society, in accordance with the basic ideas of African socialism. The significance of an elite for nation-building. In common with nationalism's development in Europe, African nationalism was led by elites. The transformation from "Black European" to "African Personality" went via education, primarily provided by Christian missionaries in Africa. Nyerere's education familiarized him with British colonialism, nationalism and cultural heritage as well as the British School of Social Anthropology, Catholic social teachings and communitarianism. The study shows that Nyerere's political thought was influenced by Fabian socialism, Catholic social teaching, communitarianism and political thinkers like Henry George, G.D.H. Cole, R.H. Tawney and Arthur W. Lewis. Nyerere realized his political ideas first as leader of the nationalist movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and after independence in 1961 as president up until 1985. He was called the "father of the nation" and ruled in his charismatic role as mwalimu, teacher. / digitalisering@umu

The modernization perspective of human development has hampered true growth in the countries known collectively as the Third World. With its roots in European colonialism in the late eighteenth century, the modernization perspective ethnocentrically holds that human development must occur in a unilinear manner, regardless of a society's history or culture. In colonial times, this view was used to justify the exploitation of entire peoples, claiming that colonization of overseas societies was a civilizing mission. This unilinear view of development was popularized by modernization theorists such as Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and Walt Whitman Rostow, with disastrous consequences for the developing world. The most vivid illustration of how the modernization perspective hurt the developing world is the evident in the politics of the Cold War, in which two opposing modernization theories fought a global battle for influence. From the ashes of the Cold War, capitalism emerged as the triumphant model of human development. Since then, neo-liberal institutions have sought to stimulate growth in the developing world by following this model of development. However, after decades of failed attempts, it is time for the world to reconsider its approach to development. This paper will illustrate the inadequacies of the modernization thought in three different case studies- Tanzania, Guinea-Bissau, and Burkina Faso. In each case, modernization thought in the form of colonialism. communism, and capitalism have hampered attempts at real development in these countries.

Text in Afrikaans / Bevrydingsonderwys is 'n verskynsel \vat wereldwyd voorkom. Dit word egter nie in alle werelddele dieselfde genoem nie. Popular Education in Latyns-Amerika, Progressiewe Onderwys in die VSA, Sosialistiese Onderwys in Tanzanie en People's Education in die RSA kan b)voorbeeld almal as voorbeelde van benydingsonderwys beskou word. In hierdie studie word die ontstaan, ontwikkeling, aard en wese van bovermelde onderwysvorme beskryf en vergelyk. Eers word aandag gegee aan die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van Popular Education en word die opvattings van onder andere Paulo Freire en Antonio Gramsci oor die verband tussen onderwys, bevryding en verandering bespreek. Daama word die historiese ontwikkeling van onderskeidelik Progressiewe Onderwys, Sosialistiese Onderwys en People's Education beskryf en bespreek. Die onderwysvorme word vervolgens met mekaar vergelyk en ooreenkomste en verskille blootgele. Ten slotte word bevrydingsonderwys aan die hand van opvoedkundige kriteria beoordeel en aanbevelings met betrekking tot onderwysverandering en -vemuwing in die RSA gemaak. / Education for liberation is a world-\"ide phenomenon. However, it is not named the same throughout the world. Popular Education in Latin America, Progressive Education in the USA Socialistic Education in Tanzania en People's Education in the RSA can, for instance, all be viewed as examples of education for liberation. In this study the origin, development and nature of the above-mentioned forms of education are described and compared. Firstly, the origin and development of Popular Education and the views of inter alia Paulo Freire and Antonio Gramsci regarding the relationship between education, liberation and change are discussed. Thereafter, the historical development of Progressive Education, Socialistic Education and People's Education are described and discussed. These forms of education are subsequently compared and similarities and differences are disclosed. Lastly, education for liberation is evaluated according to educational criteria and recommendations concerning educational change and renewal in the RSA are made. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)

Text in Afrikaans / Bevrydingsonderwys is 'n verskynsel \vat wereldwyd voorkom. Dit word egter nie in alle werelddele dieselfde genoem nie. Popular Education in Latyns-Amerika, Progressiewe Onderwys in die VSA, Sosialistiese Onderwys in Tanzanie en People's Education in die RSA kan b)voorbeeld almal as voorbeelde van benydingsonderwys beskou word. In hierdie studie word die ontstaan, ontwikkeling, aard en wese van bovermelde onderwysvorme beskryf en vergelyk. Eers word aandag gegee aan die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van Popular Education en word die opvattings van onder andere Paulo Freire en Antonio Gramsci oor die verband tussen onderwys, bevryding en verandering bespreek. Daama word die historiese ontwikkeling van onderskeidelik Progressiewe Onderwys, Sosialistiese Onderwys en People's Education beskryf en bespreek. Die onderwysvorme word vervolgens met mekaar vergelyk en ooreenkomste en verskille blootgele. Ten slotte word bevrydingsonderwys aan die hand van opvoedkundige kriteria beoordeel en aanbevelings met betrekking tot onderwysverandering en -vemuwing in die RSA gemaak. / Education for liberation is a world-\"ide phenomenon. However, it is not named the same throughout the world. Popular Education in Latin America, Progressive Education in the USA Socialistic Education in Tanzania en People's Education in the RSA can, for instance, all be viewed as examples of education for liberation. In this study the origin, development and nature of the above-mentioned forms of education are described and compared. Firstly, the origin and development of Popular Education and the views of inter alia Paulo Freire and Antonio Gramsci regarding the relationship between education, liberation and change are discussed. Thereafter, the historical development of Progressive Education, Socialistic Education and People's Education are described and discussed. These forms of education are subsequently compared and similarities and differences are disclosed. Lastly, education for liberation is evaluated according to educational criteria and recommendations concerning educational change and renewal in the RSA are made. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Historiese Opvoedkunde)