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This dissertation examines the impact of city-level characteristics (immigration-friendliness index, unemployment rate, and the percentage of Democrat Party votes) on the psychological resiliency of Latino immigrants. In the light of increased attention on the immigrant issue throughout the world, this study aims to develop our understanding of the factors that have the effect on the resiliency of immigrant populations. This dissertation examines these different characteristics by examining five different cities in Texas: Austin, Dallas, Fort-Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. The survey was distributed through the Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) to those individuals who define themselves Hispanic or Latino. Results suggest that the city characteristics have a significant impact on the resiliency of Latino immigrants suggesting that local governments have a potential capability to increase the resiliency of the immigrant groups in the United States by embracing the notion that immigrants should be integrated into the fabric of the local community.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy in the History Department at the University of Zululand, 1998. / KwaNgema and neighbouring Driefontein were Black-owned freehold settlements in the Wakkerstroom district, Transvaal. Whereas KwaNgema had been granted officially to the community in 1904, Driefontein had been purchased in 1912. Because of their proximity to predominantly White areas, in 1965 both areas were declared by the National Party government as 'Blackspots'. Subsequently, in line with the government's homeland consolidation policy, the inhabitants of the two settlements were notified that they would be moved to the KaNgwane and KwaZulu Homelands. In terms of the Native Administration Act of 1927, the government could, at its pleasure, remove Black tribes from certain areas. But it was not until 1981 when plans to construct the Heyshope Dam were announced, that the government informed the two communities that their removal was a certainty. The new dam, to be built on the Assegai River, would flood parts of both settlements. Between 1981 and 1985, the residents of KwaNgema and Driefontein opposed resettlement on the following grounds: — They were historically and legally entitled to the land. — Relocation and the rebuilding of new homes would be a costly undertaking. — There was much uncertainty about their future security in the Homelands, in terms of landownership rights, employment, pensions, etc. — The KwaNgema people argued that the Act of 1927 did not apply to them, as they were not a tribe, but 'Umndeni' that operated on Western democratic lines. — Adjacent vacant land could be utilized for settling only those residents threatened by the dam. The government rejected all claims and counter-proposals made by the Blacks. Controversy characterised by state repression, leadership disputes and other problems ensued. The crisis was eventually resolved in August 1985 in favour of the KwaNgema and Driefontein communities. The government withdrew its resettlement plans. Only residents threatened by the dam were relocated to adjacent land. All residents retained their property rights. Factors contributing to this historic settlement were: — The unrelenting protest by the two communities arid their institution of legal action against the government. — The murder by the police of Saul Mkhize in April 1983. Mkhize was the Driefontein community leader who spearheaded the resistance. His unexpected death increased criticism of the government's forced removals policy nationally and internationally. — The refusal by Enos Mabuza, leader of KaNgwane, and Chief Buthelezi of KwaZulu to accommodate the two communities in their Homelands. — Increasing condemnation of the government's removals policy domestically and abroad. — The changing political climate in South Africa, resulting inter alia, in the review of the removals policy. The conclusion drawn from this study, is that the experience of KwaNgema and Driefontein was an outcome of a combination of forces -historical, ideological, legal, anthropological, social and economic. Another important highlight of this research is that land ownership is indeed a fundamental aspiration and right for all people which, if denied, may lead to conflict.

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Venture capital firms are collaborative and location specific actors. A significant source of specialised factor inputs (knowledge, expertise, resources, and finance) for investing in new high tech companies are large corporations, making them potentially complementary partners for independent venture capital firms in collaborations from which considerable value adding capacity might be derived. Employing a qualitative approach based on in-depth interviews with 30 London based technology oriented venture capital firm, this study (1) captures and explains the how, why, and under what circumstances do venture capital firms collaborate with large corporations and their corporate venturing divisions, and (2) the role that geographic proximity plays in facilitating this collaboration. Using a cross sector comparison, the core of the research inquires as to the structures employed, and the motivations and conditions for which this collaborative activity is pursued. In addition, it assesses the facilitating role that geographic proximity, and the opportunities and capacities of the London metropolitan region might play. The findings demonstrate that collaboration between venture capital firms and large corporations is increasingly common, but more formal collaborative structures are the exception. Driving this collaboration is the exchange of complementary knowledge for purposes of better investment selection and for improving options for investment exit. Geographic proximity plays a facilitating role and is particularly important during the investment selection phase. While the significance of co-location is somewhat downplayed, collaboration is indirectly facilitated through the innovation capacities and the opportunities for network interaction and international knowledge exchange which the London metropolitan region offers.

This study constitutes the first socio-historical reconstruction of Scotland-based anti-racist formation, spanning the post-WW” period to the present day. Historical in that a chronological map of anti-racist mobilisation is reconstructed; sociological in that anti-racist formation is analytically founded with the purpose of subjecting conceptualisations of ‘racism as a social problem’ to historical scrutiny by tracing its increasing public profile across time. This thesis is concerned with the making of the meaning of ‘racism as a social problem’, an understanding of which is framed by the interplay between anti-racist formation and the policy agenda of the British state. This interplay is contextualised and scrutinised specifically in Scotland, such that the state’s role in defining racism as a social problem is subject to critique. Focus is on the perceived role of ‘race’ and migration as social conflict variables, and state institutions as agents of legitimation, incorporation and regulation. Scotland provides a robust geo-political framework for analysis in that there is explicit recognition that the problem of racism in Scotland has been neglected historically. We have moved from a social policy context in which racism was not given sufficient attention by the Scottish arm of the British state, to a newly devolved institutional set-up which has allowed a significant place to the social problem of racism as specifically a ‘Scottish problem’. The newly devolved Scottish polity’s commissioned anti-racist media campaign – One Scotland, Many Cultures – provides an explicit statement of what the state means when it declares itself-anti-racist, how its agenda informs the signification of ‘racism’, and consequently how ‘racism’ is typified as a social problem requiring state intervention. This study explores ‘problem definition’ with the use of multiple methods of enquiry, including: archival recovery; elite interview; policy analysis; event analysis; media analysis; visual analysis; and audio analysis. Media analysis incorporates representations of anti-racist claimsmaking, which takes a specifically Scottish focus in the Scottish press and is systematised over a particular period ranging from 1994 to 2004. This is supplemented by interviews with anti-racist activists and policy officials, with a specific focus on those who played a key role at an institutional level pre-devolution and those with a close involvement in the development of One Scotland, Many Cultures. This triangulation is grounded via a historical approach which seeks, through archival recovery, to unravel the contextual construction of ‘racism as a Scottish problem’ from 1968 to 2004. This thesis concludes that the devolved polity’s problem typification draws on historical currents specific to representations of ‘racism’ as influenced by Scotland-based anti-racist formation, but adds a new dimension, such that the definition of ‘racism’ is ‘therapised’.

This thesis is comprised of four main chapters. Although the chapters are distinct works, they are related by their focus on housing and land markets and their reliance on urban economic theory and methods. They aim to contribute to the understanding of how these spatial markets function in order to work towards an improved implementation of urban policy. In particular this thesis tries to understand how house prices are determined by demand- and supply-side factors across different scales. It provides support for the idea that at a local level prices are determined by demand, in that they compensate for differences in locational amenities. It also investigates some of the consequences of price determination such as displacement of original residents from gentrifying neighbourhoods and welfare losses as a result of planning restrictions to development. The overall message that emerges from the body of work is that urban policy should pay close attention to the way that supply and demand interact to determine prices in markets for housing and land.

This study contributes to our understanding of the social organisation and lived experience of men in China’s sex industry. It employs a social epidemiological model to analyse the multiple levels of influence on HIV (and other non-HIV) risks to which this highly marginalised group are exposed. It highlights the complex interrelations between different factors influencing the lives of male and transgender sex workers (MSW) in China. It is the first mixed methods study of its kind in the Chinese MSW context. The thesis analyses data collected during five months of fieldwork in Shenzhen, China. Working through a community-based MSW organisation, a participatory approach was taken to study design and data collection. Community advisory boards were organised and used to develop and test study instruments. A structured survey was undertaken with MSW (n=251), with a sub-sample purposely selected for semistructured interviews (n=21). Key informant interviews were conducted with representatives from local and international organisations (n=5). Multiple linear and binary logistic regressions were used for quantitative data analyses, while qualitative data were coded thematically. Both data types are given equal weight throughout the analysis. The thesis demonstrates how China’s recent macro-level social and economic changes, characterised here through the microcosm of life in the city of Shenzhen, interact with the lived experiences of the men in the study, driving their rural-urban migration and contributing to their entry into sex work. The phrase “laugh at poverty, not at prostitution” was used by many of the respondents to explain their decision to sell sex, but this apparently simple idiom belies a more complex reality in which economic factors intersect with social networks, sexual orientation and an escalation in the provision of sexual services. Sex work careers are represented as providing both opportunities (for escaping poverty, expressing sexual identity, and accessing cosmopolitan lifestyles), as well as risks. Risk, understood as a socially constructed phenomenon, refers not only to HIV transmission, but also violence from clients, control by mami (pimps), and entrapment and arrest by the police. Multiple risks and opportunities arise through a range of social and professional interactions between the different actors involved in the industry, necessitating their dynamic management by the MSW. Sex work, HIV and homosexuality alongside migrant identities are highly stigmatised in China, and the active management of these intersecting identities, in part through their sexual practices, allows the MSW in this study to continue in their work without ‘losing face’. The MSW have complex sexual networks of male and female, paid and paying, and non-commercial partners. In exploring their partner concurrency, this complexity is examined, through the lenses of stigma and identity. Local, emic understandings of ‘safe sex’ indicate that while levels of HIV fear are substantial among the MSW, and condom use is commonly discussed, safety and hygiene are frequently conflated, and both are associated with HIV-avoidance. Hygiene, through showering and general cleanliness, is considered an important part of ‘safe sex’ for this group, but also emerges as a metaphor employed to counter the perceived dirtiness of selling sex for some of the MSW. The findings highlight the complexities involved in selling sex for these men. They must actively negotiate their work, risks and identities, while also being subject to unequal power relations and forces largely beyond their control. This thesis aims to present a nuanced account of these dynamic processes.

This thesis analyses the experiential, performative and lived realities of the Zimbabwean diaspora in Britain. It is based on an innovative multi-sited ethnography, comprising 33 in-depth interviews and participant observation in four research sites, and draws upon concepts of diaspora and transnationalism as theoretical and analytical frameworks. Whereas the concept of diaspora typically emphasises group cohesion and solidarity, this thesis argues that the Zimbabwean diaspora in Britain has to be understood as fractured and fragmented. The diaspora is fractured in terms of ethnicity and gender; the various strategies and routes used to enter Britain; migrants' contrasting characteristics and degrees of participation in diaspora politics; the diverse meanings of the homeland and the multiple diasporic identities etched in the hostland. On the basis of data from Coventry, Birmingham, London and Wigan, the thesis examines the triadic relationship of the diaspora to the homeland and to the hostland, as well as to the group itself. Core themes and sub themes that are addressed include the phases and patterns of migration from Zimbabwe; transnational diaspora politics; the participation of the diaspora in paid work; the configuration of gender relations and roles; and the meanings of diaspora and attitudes towards return or settlement. The thesis is distinctive in the following respects: its use of multi-sited ethnographic methodology to generate data; the theoretical and empirical demonstration of how migrants participate in transnational diaspora politics; the investigation of the ability of social actors to resist institutional structures in their everyday lives in the hostland; the exploration of how gendered identities are configured in the public and private spaces of the diaspora; and the conceptual and theoretical interpretation of the Zimbabwean diaspora vis-a-vis other accounts of global diasporas. This research represents a contribution to our knowledge of the Zimbabwean diaspora in particular and to the field of diaspora and transnational studies in general.