VALENTE, Paulo Giovanni Gomes. Memórias da política, políticas da memória: o centenário da Confederação do Equador no Ceará (1924). 2014. 186f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-09-22T14:08:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_pggvalente.pdf: 2155462 bytes, checksum: 388941a9a9cd45db478c9862eda7c8ff (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-09-22T17:37:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_pggvalente.pdf: 2155462 bytes, checksum: 388941a9a9cd45db478c9862eda7c8ff (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-09-22T17:37:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_dis_pggvalente.pdf: 2155462 bytes, checksum: 388941a9a9cd45db478c9862eda7c8ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Commemorative actions call individuals of a certain group or society to recollect certain past facts collectively. It is regarded as even more ambitious when the celebrations intend to create or reinforce identity bonds inside of a political community. The participation of Ceará in The Confederation of the Equator was suitable as source of creation to that moment. Memories of that political event occurred in 1824 and it has been resumed in the first years of Proclamation of Republic of Brazil, by means of some political actions of memory, several readings and interpretations had been formulated from that event. The year of 1924 is marked by the turn of the century. A century later what possibly remains as vestige of political fights in those first moments of Brazil’s post-independence? Which characters have been part of The Confederation of the Equator in Ceará and have been recognized as cearense heroes? Which gaps had been used deliberately to eternize those event memories? And what about historical production, what is its role in this process? Researching on books, newspapers, magazines, almanacs, and public places intend to elaborate some considerations concerning to this relation between politics and prior memories. / As ações comemorativas convidam os indivíduos de um determinado grupo ou sociedade a rememorar determinados fatos passados coletivamente. Medida ainda mais ambiciosa quando as comemorações buscam criar ou reforçar laços de identidade dentro de uma comunidade política. A participação do Ceará na Confederação do Equador serviu para criar um momento desses. As memórias daquele evento político ocorrido no ano de 1824 foram retomadas em meados da década de 1920 durante o regime republicano no Brasil, e por meio de algumas ações de políticas da memória, diversas leituras e interpretações daquele evento foram formuladas. O ano de 1924 é marcado pela passagem centenária. Um século depois quais os possíveis significados das lutas políticas daqueles primeiros momentos do pós-independência do Brasil? Quais as personagens que fizeram parte da Confederação do Equador no Ceará e passaram a ser identificadas como heróis cearenses? Quais espaços foram utilizados para pretensamente eternizar as memórias daquele evento? E a produção histórica, qual o seu lugar nesse processo? Investigando livros, jornais, revistas, almanaques e lugares públicos busca-se elaborar algumas considerações a respeito dessa relação entre políticas e memórias.

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Résumé.La CGV, Confédération reliant cinq syndicats viticoles languedociens a été créée en 1907 pour agir en tant qu’institution de l’interaction en réponse à la crise méridionale par la défense du vin naturel en utilisant le moyen de la poursuite et de la répression des fraudes. Cette création en tension, dans le corps et dans le processus d’interaction, a été suivie de plusieurs séquences, réussite-résistance-déclin-extinction s’articulant chacune à partir de singularités dont l’étude n’avait à ce jour, jamais été exhaustivement menée. Il s’agissait d’observer comment cette histoire s’est écrite en termes d’unité, de puissance et de cohérence pour l’organisation, puis en termes d’interactions entretenues avec d’autres centres de pouvoir et particulièrement les pouvoirs publics nationaux, puis européens.Cette observation a pu s’appuyer à titre principal sur l’exploitation des archives de l’organisation déposées à Narbonne ainsi que sur d’autres fonds régionaux, nationaux et européens, sur celle de la presse régionale et nationale, généraliste et spécialisée et sur quelques entretiens avec des acteurs encore actifs durant la période d’observation.Les choix fondateurs de la CGV lui ont permis à la fois d’accéder à une hégémonie nationale institutionnellement reconnue et à l’intégration partielle de ses services par l’administration d’Etat. Cette reconnaissance, fondée sur des valeurs d’intérêt public unanimement partagées, est entrée en résonnance avec une puissance viticole régionale affirmée par le lien confédéral créé, devenue dominante dans la nation. Cette construction a atteint son apogée en 1922 avant d’amorcer une phase de déclin liée à la mise en œuvre de nouvelles priorités, à un affaiblissement interne de l’organisation et à l’évolution de la position de l’Etat souhaitant reprendre en main sa mission de service public. Ce retournement a été aggravé dès la fin du premier conflit mondial par des difficultés liées à la montée en puissance de nouvelles priorités concernant la régulation du marché (prix du vin, distillation et alcools, importations, fiscalité) puis son aménagement (solution à apporter au problème algérien). Ces difficultés, d’abord surmontées ont ensuite donné lieu à des situations de rupture qui ont finalement emporté la CGV. Restaurée entre 1930 et 1940 par la réussite du statut viticole, sa reconnaissance par les pouvoirs publics a d’abord été fortement altérée entre 1953 et 1956 par des orientations nationales qui se différenciaient des siennes et qui ont mis à mal son unité fondatrice et la solidité du lien confédéral. Après 1970, l’extension géographique du marché du vin à l’Europe et l’aggravation des tensions de la période précédente, transposées à une relation aux pouvoirs publics européens ont accéléré ce déclin. La CGVM, puissance viticole hégémonique en France, nationalement reconnue a progressivement reculé vers une situation de dépendance, aggravée après 1970 jusqu’à l’effacement. Cette histoire syndicale singulière s’est donc inscrite dans celle des rapports entretenus entre corps intermédiaires représentatifs et pouvoirs publics nationaux, puis européens. La CGV a d’abord bénéficié de l’intérêt qu’elle présentait en tant que puissance régionale et nationale représentative pour renforcer leur action, mais a ensuite été confrontée à un mouvement inverse d’affirmation autonome de leur mission de service public et de prise de décision guidées par une orientation capitaliste libérale en relation avec le poids de centres d’intérêts concurrents et antagonistes alors que sa représentativité s’affaiblissait jusqu’à l’extinction. / AbstractThe CGV, General Confederation for wine, is an organisation linking five Languedoc wine unions that was created in 1907 in order to act as an institution for interaction to answer the southern crisis with defending natural wine using prosecution and fraud repression. This creation being tense both in the interaction content and process, was followed by several sequences, success-resistance-decline-extinction, each articulated on the basis of singularities never comprehensively studied so far.It was about observing how this story was written in terms of unity, of power and consistency for the organisation, then in terms of interactions with other powerful centres and organisations and particularly national authorities, then European ones.This observation was primarily based on the exploitation of the archives of the organisation filed in Narbonne as well as on other regional, national and European funds, also based on the regional and national press, either general or specialised, and based finally on some interviews with still active players during the observation period.The founding choices of the CGV enabled this organisation both to reach an institutionally recognised national hegemony and a partial integration of its services by the state administration. This recognition, based on universally shared values of public interest, echoed with a regional wine-making power - a nationwide dominating organisation - stated by the creation of a confederate link. This construction reached its peak in 1922 before initiating a phase of decline linked to the implementation of new priorities, to an internal weakening of the organisation and to the evolution of the position of the State wishing to control back its public service mission.This reverse was aggravated by the end of the first world conflict by difficulties related to the rise of new priorities concerning market regulation (wine price, distillation and alcohol, imports, taxation) then its development (solution to be given to the Algerian problem). These difficulties, first overcome, and then gave rise to situations of break that finally ended the CGV.Restored between 1930 and 1940 by the success of the viticultural status, its recognition by the public authorities was first strongly altered between 1953 and 1956 by national orientations that differed from its own ones and that undermined the confederal bond founding unity and strength. After 1970, the geographical extension of the wine market to Europe and the worsening of the tensions of the previous period, transposed to a relation with the European public authorities accelerated that decline. The CGVM, hegemonic viticultural power in France, nationally recognised, gradually retreated into a situation of dependence, aggravated after 1970 and finally disappeared.This singular union history was therefore inscribed in the relationship maintained between representative intermediate bodies and national and European public authorities. The CGV first benefited from its interest as a representative regional and national power to strengthen their action, but was then confronted with a reverse movement of independent assertion of their public service mission and decision-making processes guided by a liberal capitalist orientation in relation to the weight of competing and antagonistic centres of interest while its representativity weakened to eventually end.

Parental involvement in schools has been contested for decades. Although it is clear that parents have a responsibility to care for and nurture their children, the legislated role of schools to educate children leaves somewhat ambiguous the role of parents. Using Hannah Arendt's notions of public and private and the emergence of a social sphere this conceptual research examines the complex relationship of parents to schools. Using the British Columbia Confederation of Parent Advisory Councils (BCCPAC) Parent Advocacy Project as one model, this study illustrates how parents can play an important role in the public school education of their children. Parental involvement and legislated governance of schools have emerged as major educational issues in Canada. The struggle for control in education has its roots in the history of public education, legislation, the emergence of unions and the postindustrial global production/consumption market place economy. These issues reveal the emergence of a "social" sphere blurring the public/private distinctions, dominated by bureaucracy and alienating citizens from their political responsibilities to determine a good life. The emerging role of parents as advocates for their children in the schools may restore some balance to the public/private relationship, however, it may also reveal some of the problems of power and control within the system.

The American Civil War resulted in lasting consequences for the British Empire’s remote Pacific colonies of British Columbia and Vancouver Island. Britons in the colonies mobilized to address the issue of defending against a potential American attack. Despite concerns surrounding the possibility of an American invasion, the conflict increased solidarity towards the United States, as public opinion in British Columbia and Vancouver Island became more pro-Union through the course of the American Civil War, with local residents regularly celebrating holidays like the Fourth of July. Local newspapers welcomed efforts by the American government to finally abolish slave labour, yet Victoria’s African American community continued to face racial discrimination, which was often blamed on resident Southerners. The conflict ultimately helped in improving public perceptions of the United States, but not without raising significant fears of American military might on the continent. / Graduate

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T18:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mathias_Meire_D.pdf: 1273511 bytes, checksum: e90643ef15890c382cfaacb4e946280f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O estudo busca analisar a política externa brasileira dos anos 90, sob o ângulo dos interesses de atores estatais e não estatais na Agenda externa do país, particularmente em relação ao Mercosul. Nesse sentido, a investigação se reporta a inserção internacional do Brasil no pós-Guerra Fria, período em que foi definida uma nova estratégia econômica de desenvolvimento para o país, escolha que implicou mudanças na política exterior. Tendo em vista o cenário internacional de incertezas para os Estados, conferimos à hipótese de que a reestruturação da economia política global e a assimilação da hegemonia neoliberal por parte dos países latino-americanos, implicaram certa negligência com o modelo de desenvolvimento endógeno. Do mesmo modo, no período em tela, as decisões sobre política externa reuniram não somente os interesses estatais, mas também de atores não estatais, porém organizados, que buscaram exercer poder de pressão e influência nos processos decisórios. Destarte, considerando que as relações entre Estado e sociedade permeiam as decisões quanto ao desenvolvimento nacional e as diretrizes de política exterior, coloca-se em evidência que interesses específicos pautam as relações entre o Governo, representado pelo Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE), e a Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI), representante de um determinado grupo de empresas do segmento industrial brasileiro. Com isso, verifica-se que as relações entre ambos os Atores foram pautadas no modelo de desenvolvimento liberalizante, que acabou por se constituir em plataforma de inserção internacional do Brasil. Sob essa perspectiva, confirma-se que o processo decisório em política externa não está dissociado dos interesses e da ideologia dos atores envolvidos no processo / Abstract: This study aims to present an analysis of the Brazilian Foreign Policies, considering the special points of view of particular interests (sponsored by State and non-State actors) in the country's Foreign Agenda, especially Mercosul ones. In this context, the researches are directed to Brazil's insertion into the international into the post Cold War period; that moment brought up a definition of a new economics strategy for the development of the country. This choice brought on changes in the Brazilian Foreign Policy. Considering the international and uncertain scenario in the Countries studied, we checked the hypothesis that said that, the reconstruction of the global economics policy and the assimilation of neo-liberal hegemony by some of the Latin-American countries, implyed a certain neglect of the endogenous development model. And at this same focused moment, the decisions concerning foreign policies united not only the state interests, but also, hosted non-state activists, but organized ones, who aimed to influence and put pressure upon the decision process. In this manner, considering that the relationship between State and Society permeate decisions concerning national development and the directions for Foreign policies, it is focused that specific interests regulate the relationships between the Government ( represented by Ministério das Relações Exteriores ( MRE) Ministry of Foreign Affairs ); and, Confederação Nacional da Industria (CNI), National Confederation of Industries, that represents a certain segment of the Brazilian industrial companies and scenario). Considering these previous ideas, it comes to light that the relations between both parties, were based on a model of liberated development, and this model became the platform for the acceptance of the international insertion of Brazil. Under this perspective, it is born, that a confirmation of the decision process in foreign policy is not separated from the interests and ideologies of the activists involved in this process / Doutorado / Relações Internacionais / Doutor em Ciência Política

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no CearÃ, o processo de IndependÃncia e a formaÃÃo do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculaÃÃo polÃtica da capitania do Siarà grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importÃncia desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. AlÃm desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presenÃa da famÃlia real na colÃnia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos tambÃm a participaÃÃo do Cearà no processo de IndependÃncia e na ConfederaÃÃo do Equador, destacando que a adesÃo a esse movimento refletia as divergÃncias existentes tanto nessa provÃncia como no recente paÃs a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicaÃÃo em sete de abril de 1831. / The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in CearÃ, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siarà grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Familyâs presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817âs movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the Northâs captainships. We discussed too the participation of Cearà in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeiraâs Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilianâs throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.

Orientador: Dermeval Saviani / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T02:12:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_ElisabeteGoncalvesde_D.pdf: 1375042 bytes, checksum: d0776f4cb02ec085f6db22e708031bcd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O presente trabalho discute a relação trabalho-educação e questão social no Brasil a partir da análise de documentos produzidos no período de 1930-2000 pelas lideranças industriais e pela CNI (Confederação Nacional da Indústria), principal intelectual coletivo da burguesia nacional. Tem como referencial teórico-metodológico o materialismo histórico, mais especificamente os estudos de Gramsci sobre Estado, classes sociais e hegemonia, destacando suas análises sobre o papel da escola nas sociedades capitalistas, sua crítica à escola interessada e a defesa da escola única de formação geral e humanista, entendida como a forma mais avançada de escola no quadro das lutas democráticas. Analisa a emergência de uma fração da classe dominante brasileira, os empresários industriais, no jogo político pós-1930, período de reorganização do Estado face à crise de hegemonia das oligarquias agroexportadoras. Mostra como se configurou o Estado corporativo e as exigências trazidas pelo projeto industrialista: o uso da legislação social e trabalhista no disciplinamento da classe trabalhadora; a preparação técnico-burocrática do executivo; a organização de aparelhos privados de hegemonia, como o IDORT, a CNI, o SENAI e o SESI e a influência destes na educação formal e não-formal da força de trabalho no Brasil. Demonstra, a partir de categorias gramscianas como "transformismo", "bloco histórico" e "hegemonia" que a materialização da revolução burguesa no Brasil se deu centrada no Estado, sendo este a expressão máxima do nível de compromisso firmado entre as classes dominantes cujos aparelhos de hegemonia foram articulados tanto para o exercício da repressão e controle da classe trabalhadora, quanto para alavancar acordos que favoreceram os empresários rendendo-lhes apoio financeiro para gerir com autonomia, por exemplo, serviços educacionais e assistenciais para trabalhadores. Avança analisando as conjunturas de 1950-1970, período que marca a integração do Brasil de forma subordinada ao capitalismo monopolista; a reorientação da política econômica sob a tese da teoria do capital humano e seus impactos nas reformas na educação básica e profissional. Discute a crise orgânica do "sistema capital" e seu reflexo no Brasil nas décadas de 1980-2000 e a reorientação do projeto burguês sob o neoliberalismo, os avanços proporcionados pelas novas tecnologias à produção e seus impactos na organização das forças produtivas e nas relações de trabalho, sendo a diminuição do número de empregos, um dos fatos mais relevantes para compreendermos a questão social hoje. Destaca, no quadro atual, as orientações das políticas educacionais, a ênfase a temas como competitividade, empreendedorismo e responsabilidade social, novas estratégias para a busca do consenso ativo das classes sociais face à crise de hegemonia vivida pelo capitalismo nos últimos anos. Por fim, ressalta o quanto é importante conhecermos as contradições que este sistema engendra, pois só assim seremos capazes de desvelar seu projeto político-ideológico e avançar na "guerra de posição" rumo à construção de um novo projeto societário. / Abstract: This thesis discusses the relationship between work, education and social question in Brazil from the analysis of documents produced in the period 1930-2000 by industrial leaders and also by CNI (National Confederation of Industry), the most important collective intellect of the national bourgeoisie. It's based on theoreticalmethodological historical materialism, specifically studies of Gramsci on the state, social class and hegemony, emphasizing his analysis on the function of schools in capitalist societies; his criticism the vocational school and the defense of a "single school", a school of education general and humanistic, understood as the most advanced type of school in capitalist societies, and should be the object of those who are committed to true democracy. Examines the emergence of a fraction of the Brazilian ruling class, the industrialists, and their insertion into the political game after 1930, period of reorganization of the state in the face the crisis of hegemony of the agro-export oligarchy. Shows how the apparatus of hegemony created by the industrial bourgeoisie were used both for political and ideological control of the working class, and to interfere in social and labor laws. Advances analyzing the decades of 1950-1970, period that marks the subordinate integration of Brazil to monopoly capitalism, the reorientation of economic policy, the human capital theory and its impact on reforms in education and vocational training. Discusses the organic crisis of capitalism and its impact in Brazil (1980-2000); the political reforms aimed at restructuring of the state and the economy. Study the influence of neoliberalism in education policies, the emphasis on issues such as competitiveness, social responsibility and entrepreneurship, new strategies for finding the consensus of the social classes, so as not to show the crisis of hegemony experienced by capitalism in recent years. Finally, we emphasize the importance of knowing the contradictions generated by the capitalist system, because only then will we be able to reveal their political-ideological and to continue the "war of position" toward building a new society project. / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutor em Educação

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The period of 1864/1865-1870 represents the final stage of the unification of Germany, during which Prussia adopted a resolute approach and in two quick wars succeeded in eliminating its enemies - Austria and France. The aim of the diploma thesis is to present and critically analyse the Prussian foreign policy based on the study of sources and relevant literature. The author assesses factors which influenced the Prussian prime minister and the representatives of the European powers in their decisions. He also asks the question whether Bismarck merely adapted to the circumstances which inevitably led to the war with Austria or whether he himself contributed to their creation and speeded up the whole process. The most attention is then paid to France which was the greatest opponent of the unification of Germany of all powers. The study looks into the methods and steps which enabled Prussia to prevent the great European powers from getting involved into its conflict with Vienna and Paris. Moreover, it points out the challenges of the research on circumstances which led to the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War. Key words Prussia, Great Powers, German Confederation, Unification of Germany, Austrian Empire, Austria-Hungary, foreign policy, Austro-Prussian War, Franco-Prussian War, Napoleon III