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Abstract.In Sweden today, a collaboration was formed between the Swedish Sport Confederation andthe Swedish upper secondary school education. While this process was taking place, theSwedish Sport Confederation also tried to collaborate with the Swedish Academy. However,at the time the Academy did not have any involvement with the former.The purpose of the study was to research when and how the Swedish Sport Confederationcreated a collaboration with the Swedish Education Systems both on a National and Locallevel. I have also done a research on both the Knowledge Society and Elite sport talents tofind out if Elite sport will be affected in any way because of the existence of Knowledge Society,and also the reactions of the sports talents if any. My final pursuit was also to find out ifthe Knowledge Society can bring about a quick change to this silent conflict between theSwedish Sport Confederation and the Swedish Academy.For my study, I have used two different theories. One of the first sociological theories, whichwere applied with sports, was the reflection theory, and I wonder whether this theory is stillapplicable in todays society. The other theory was the reproduction theory. This theoryoriginated from the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieus key concepts. I have decided to useBourdieus key concepts in my study for understanding the battles between the Swedish SportConfederation and the Swedish Academy.The result of my study shows that sport talents on the local level in Malmoe are in agreement,that it is important to pursue further studies to the academic level, which means that the reflectiontheory can be used in todays society. Malmoe is one of the fastest growing cities,concerning the Knowledge Society, and therefore its a perfect example to this theory.With regards to the sports battle in the academic field, one can see a similar pattern, which isprevalent in the Swedish Academy, is now being followed by the upper secondary schooleducation. Through projects and agreements, elite sport has managed to position themselvesin the academic field, however they are in the periphery of the field. Prestigious universities inSweden still do not want to be involved with elite sport.

[pt] No século XIX, como uma forma de resistência à tentativa de abolir a escravização africana nos Estados Unidos da América, os estados sulistas do país uniram-se sob o nome de Confederação. Estruturada na ideologia da supremacia branca, essa união política lutou a favor da escravidão durante os anos de guerra civil. Mais de um século depois da guerra, a lembrança desse período histórico permanece viva por todo sul estadunidense, onde se hasteiam bandeiras da Confederação e monumentos confederados ocupam lugares de destaque. Através de uma série de processos imigratórios, tal cultura ramificou-se para outros lugares do mundo, chegando ao Brasil. Na cidade de Santa Bárbara D oeste, em São Paulo, se encontra o epicentro nacional dessa cultura, onde anualmente é celebrada uma grande festa confederada. Neste texto é realizada uma exploração da cultura confederada contemporânea e um exame da presença inesperada dessa cultura no Brasil, utilizando uma abordagem narrativa para explicar suas manifestações e impactos na realidade material, explorando a intrincada relação entre a confederação e os conceitos de branquitude e racismo. / [en] In the 19th century, as a form of resistance to the attempt of abolishing African slavery in the United States of America, the southern states of the country united under the name of Confederation. Structured on the ideology of white supremacy, this political union fought in the name of slavery during the years of civil war. More than a century after the war, the memory of this historical period remains alive throughout the American south, where Confederate flags fly and Confederate monuments occupy prominent places. Through a series of immigration events, this culture branched out to other parts of the world, reaching the country of Brazil. The city of Santa Bárbara D oeste, in São Paulo, is the national epicenter of this culture, where a large Confederate festival is celebrated annually. This text explores the contemporary Confederate culture and examines the unexpected presence of this culture in Brazil, using a narrative approach to explain its manifestations and impacts on material reality, exploring the intricate relationship between the confederation and the concepts of whiteness and racism.

This thesis is motivated by uncertainty in the academic literature surrounding the meaning of federalism and the appropriate usage of the concept to describe political systems. In particular, its use in characterising systems of regional integration which have moved beyond a strictly inter-governmental character, but not yet reached Statehood, is today highly contested, as in the case of the European Union. The established consensus that this entity constitutes a wholly novel ‘sui generis’ form, neither federal nor confederal in character, has been tempered in recent years by a growing willingness among scholars to deploy the lens of comparative federalism to analyse the polity. However, the precise relevance of the concept in this new context remains unsettled. Can political science achieve any more definite understanding that removes such doubt? I consider this question through the perspective of the history of ideas, by examining the evolution of federalism from inception to the present day. I argue that the history of the federal idea in the United States reveals that the heart of the problem lies in confusion over the nature of sovereignty. Ever since Philadelphia federalism has been thought to mean ‘a division of sovereignty’. However, the subsequent Civil War did appear to demonstrate that the notion of sovereignty shared between two levels of government was a false construction: either the whole or the parts could be sovereign, but not both simultaneously. This point, it seems - the indivisibility of sovereignty - was not fully taken on board afterwards in the United States and elsewhere. The thesis seeks to put this right and to systematically relate the evolving concept of federalism with the evolving and contested nature of sovereignty. On this ground, I suggest that we clarify the definition of federalism as ‘a division of the powers flowing from sovereignty’. This in turn yields two specific varieties of ‘compound polity’ where before only one was known: the single State and multi-State federal forms. The latter has to date been an unobserved species, which, it would seem, the fact of the EU’s existence now forces us to recognize.

Esta tese investiga as performances de confronto político desempenhadas pelas associações abolicionistas após a promulgação da lei 3.353, que declarou extinta a escravidão no Brasil. O objetivo é entender o que se passa com um movimento social depois que sua principal reivindicação é atingida. Neste caso, trata-se de investigar se os principais atores do movimento abolicionista, a saber, as associações abolicionistas, continuaram em atividade e o que faziam após a abolição. A via metodológica escolhida para a investigação consistiu na quantificação da informação disponível na própria imprensa abolicionista. A pesquisa consistiu no levantamento e leitura de periódicos abolicionistas da província do Rio de Janeiro, publicados entre 13 de maio de 1888 (data da lei áurea) e 15 de novembro de 1889 (data da proclamação da república). A partir desta leitura dos jornais foi construído um banco de dados, com identificação das associações abolicionistas que permaneceram em atividade mesmo depois de atingida a sua principal demanda, bem como das suas performances políticas. A intenção desta tese é tripla: correlacionar performances encenadas no pós-abolição com as do pré-abolição para verificar se elas preservam o padrão de ativismo construído pelo movimento abolicionista; argumentar que as associações são uma ponte organizacional suspendida no tempo, permitindo a transmissão de padrões de performances de um período a outro, assim promovendo a ligação entre ciclos de ativismos; e por último, analisar as interações de confronto das associações com as instituições políticas, observando as aberturas e fechamentos institucionais a elas. A tese demonstra a continuidade do ativismo abolicionista no pós-abolição, identificando 10 associações, sendo a Confederação Abolicionista a matriz organizacional, atuantes no imediato pós-abolição no Rio de Janeiro num contexto adverso, no qual as instituições políticas se mostraram mais refratarias do que receptivas aos abolicionistas. / This thesis investigates the performances of contentious politics that were carried out by abolitionist associations after the enactment of the 3.353 law, which declared that slavery in Brazil was extinguished. The goal is to understand what happens with a social movement when it accomplished its main claim. In this case, it is about revealing if the main actors of the abolitionist movement the abolitionist associations maintained their activities and what they did after the abolition of slavery. The methodological path chosen for the investigation consists in quantifying the information made available by the abolitionist press itself. The research consisted in reading and mapping abolitionist journals from the province of Rio de Janeiro, published between May, 13th of 1988 (the day the Golden Law Lei Áurea - was signed) and November, 15th (the day of the proclamation of the Republic). From the reading of the journals, we built a database, identifying the abolitionist associations that kept their activities even after achieving their main goal, as well as their political performances. We have three goals: to correlate performances in mis-en-scène in the post-abolition with the ones from the pre-abolition period, in order to see if they maintain the activism standard which was built by the abolitionist movement; to argue that associations are an abeyance organizational bridge in time, allowing the transmission of performance patterns from one period to another, thus promoting the connection between activism cycles; lastly, to analyze the interaction of contention of associations with political institutions, observing the institutional opennes and closures that they were subject to. The thesis shows the continuity of abolitionist activism in the post-abolition period, identifying 10 acting associations after the abolition in Rio de Janeiro. The Abolitionist Confederation was the organizational matrix even in an adverse post-abolition context, in which the political institutions demonstrated being more refractory than receptive to the abolitionists.

This thesis concentrates on Czechoslovak-French relations in 1989-1992. It examines the factors, that form foreign policies. This thesis goes from realistic theory of the clash of national interests. First chapter concentrates on the forming of Czechoslovak foreign policy. The second one examines the common history of Czechoslovak-French relationship with the accent on French foreign policy and factors that influence it. Third chapter is concerned of Czechoslovak-French relation in 1989-1992. The last chapter solves the impact of the Treaty of understanding and cooperation of these two states.

Esta tese investiga as performances de confronto político desempenhadas pelas associações abolicionistas após a promulgação da lei 3.353, que declarou extinta a escravidão no Brasil. O objetivo é entender o que se passa com um movimento social depois que sua principal reivindicação é atingida. Neste caso, trata-se de investigar se os principais atores do movimento abolicionista, a saber, as associações abolicionistas, continuaram em atividade e o que faziam após a abolição. A via metodológica escolhida para a investigação consistiu na quantificação da informação disponível na própria imprensa abolicionista. A pesquisa consistiu no levantamento e leitura de periódicos abolicionistas da província do Rio de Janeiro, publicados entre 13 de maio de 1888 (data da lei áurea) e 15 de novembro de 1889 (data da proclamação da república). A partir desta leitura dos jornais foi construído um banco de dados, com identificação das associações abolicionistas que permaneceram em atividade mesmo depois de atingida a sua principal demanda, bem como das suas performances políticas. A intenção desta tese é tripla: correlacionar performances encenadas no pós-abolição com as do pré-abolição para verificar se elas preservam o padrão de ativismo construído pelo movimento abolicionista; argumentar que as associações são uma ponte organizacional suspendida no tempo, permitindo a transmissão de padrões de performances de um período a outro, assim promovendo a ligação entre ciclos de ativismos; e por último, analisar as interações de confronto das associações com as instituições políticas, observando as aberturas e fechamentos institucionais a elas. A tese demonstra a continuidade do ativismo abolicionista no pós-abolição, identificando 10 associações, sendo a Confederação Abolicionista a matriz organizacional, atuantes no imediato pós-abolição no Rio de Janeiro num contexto adverso, no qual as instituições políticas se mostraram mais refratarias do que receptivas aos abolicionistas. / This thesis investigates the performances of contentious politics that were carried out by abolitionist associations after the enactment of the 3.353 law, which declared that slavery in Brazil was extinguished. The goal is to understand what happens with a social movement when it accomplished its main claim. In this case, it is about revealing if the main actors of the abolitionist movement the abolitionist associations maintained their activities and what they did after the abolition of slavery. The methodological path chosen for the investigation consists in quantifying the information made available by the abolitionist press itself. The research consisted in reading and mapping abolitionist journals from the province of Rio de Janeiro, published between May, 13th of 1988 (the day the Golden Law Lei Áurea - was signed) and November, 15th (the day of the proclamation of the Republic). From the reading of the journals, we built a database, identifying the abolitionist associations that kept their activities even after achieving their main goal, as well as their political performances. We have three goals: to correlate performances in mis-en-scène in the post-abolition with the ones from the pre-abolition period, in order to see if they maintain the activism standard which was built by the abolitionist movement; to argue that associations are an abeyance organizational bridge in time, allowing the transmission of performance patterns from one period to another, thus promoting the connection between activism cycles; lastly, to analyze the interaction of contention of associations with political institutions, observing the institutional opennes and closures that they were subject to. The thesis shows the continuity of abolitionist activism in the post-abolition period, identifying 10 acting associations after the abolition in Rio de Janeiro. The Abolitionist Confederation was the organizational matrix even in an adverse post-abolition context, in which the political institutions demonstrated being more refractory than receptive to the abolitionists.

Thesis (M.App.Sc.) - Carleton University, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-127). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M. App. Sc.)--Carleton University, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 181-186). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Proefschrift--Nijmegen--Katholieke universiteit, 1996. / Résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 308-330.