This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64).

This thesis aims to analyze the events that led in the years 1791-1795 to the gradual decline of the Polish-Lithuanian state. The year 1791 was chosen as a starting point for the reason that it was during this year that the so-called Great Sejm adopted the Constitution of 3 May, considered a last attempt to reform the dysfunctional constitutional system that paralysed the political life of the Commonwealth, crippled its ability to defend itself and made it a marionette in the hands of powerful neighbours, especially Prussia and Russia. The thesis concentrates on the ambiguous role played in this period by the last king Stanisław II August. It also focuses on the opposition against the constitutional changes, associated in the so-called Targowica Confederation, the ensuing Russo-Polish War of 1792, the Second Partition of Poland, Kościuszko Uprising and the final Third Partition of 1795 - all these events are discussed in the wider context of European politics. The author makes use of sources and secondary literature in Polish, Russian, German, English and French.

FELIX, Keile Socorro Leite. Espíritos inflamados: a construção do estado nacional brasileiro e os projetos políticos no Ceará (1817-1840). 2010. 231f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-27T15:22:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-19T14:26:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-07-19T14:26:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_Dis_KSLFelix.pdf: 1648419 bytes, checksum: 39c3a2df3227012e0c02612b4b8e1ebe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in Ceará, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siará grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Family’s presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817’s movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the North’s captainships. We discussed too the participation of Ceará in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeira’s Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilian’s throne after his abdication in April seven 1831. / A presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no Ceará, o processo de Independência e a formação do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculação política da capitania do Siará grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importância desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. Além desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presença da família real na colônia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos também a participação do Ceará no processo de Independência e na Confederação do Equador, destacando que a adesão a esse movimento refletia as divergências existentes tanto nessa província como no recente país a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicação em sete de abril de 1831.

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Museums as colonial institutions and agents in nation building have constructed, circulated and reinforced colonialist, patriarchal, heteronormative and cisnormative national narratives. Yet, these institutions can be subverted, resisted and transformed into sites of critical public pedagogy especially when they invite Indigenous artists and curators to intervene critically. They are thus becoming important spaces for Indigenous counter-narratives, self-representation and resistance—and for settler education. My study inquired into Cree artist Kent Monkman’s commissioned touring exhibition Shame and Prejudice: A Story of Resilience which offers a critical response to Canada’s celebration of its sesquicentennial. Narrated by Monkman’s alter ego, Miss Chief Eagle Testickle, the exhibition tells the story of the past 150 years from an Indigenous perspective. Seeking to work on unsettling my “settler within” (Regan, 2010, p. 13) and contribute to understandings of the education needed for transforming Indigenous-settler relations, I visited and studied the exhibition at the Glenbow Museum in Calgary, Alberta and the Confederation Centre Art Gallery in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. My study brings together exhibition analysis, to examine how the exhibition’s elements work together to produce meaning and experience, with autoethnography as a means to distance myself from the stance of expert analyst and allow for settler reflexivity and vulnerability. I developed a three-lens framework (narrative, representational and relational/embodied) for exhibition analysis which itself became unsettled. What I experienced is an exhibition that has at its core a holism that brings together head, heart, body and spirit pulled together by the thread of the exhibition’s powerful storytelling. I therefore contend that Monkman and Miss Chief create a decolonizing, truth-telling space which not only invites a questioning of hegemonic narratives but also operates as a potentially unsettling site of experiential learning. As my self-discovery approach illustrates, exhibitions such as Monkman’s can profoundly disrupt the Euro-Western epistemological space of the museum with more holistic, relational, storied public pedagogies. For me, this led to deeply unsettling experiences and new ways of knowing and learning. As for if, to what extent, or how the exhibition will unsettle other visitors, I can only speak of its pedagogical possibilities. My own learning as a settler and adult educator suggests that when museums invite Indigenous intervention, they create important possibilities for unsettling settler histories, identities, relationships, epistemologies and pedagogies. This can inform public pedagogy and adult education discourses in ways that encourage interrogating, unsettling and reorienting Eurocentric theories, methodologies and practices, even those we characterize as critical and transformative. Using the lens of my own unsettling, and engaging in a close reading of Monkman’s exhibition, I expand my understandings of pedagogy and thus my capacities to contribute to understandings of public pedagogical mechanisms, specifically in relation to unsettling exhibition pedagogies and as part of a growing conversation between critical adult education and museum studies. / Graduate

The main contribution of my thesis is the analysis of substantial empirical material that I have collected from Community trade union actors. My analysis focuses on the institutional strategies of the sectoral European trade union federations and their implications for the Europeanisation of wages policy. I have demonstrated that the development of European coordination processes of national collective bargaining, particularly at sectoral level, has contributed to reviving the concept of collective bargaining and professional relations in the European Area, which until then had been covered in the literature by the social dialogue. I have identified three obstacles to collective negociations at a European level: the “depoliticised” wage in the economic partnership, employers identified as the “lobby partner” in the sectoral social dialogue, and the difficulties encountered in the Europeanisation of trade unions.<p><p>L’apport majeur de notre thèse est l’analyse d’un matériel empirique conséquent que nous avons collecté auprès des acteurs syndicaux communautaires. Notre analyse se concentre sur les stratégies institutionnelles des fédérations syndicales sectorielles européennes et sur leurs implications en matière d’européanisation de la politique salariale. Nous avons démontré que le développement des processus de coordination européenne des négociations collectives nationales, en particulier au niveau sectoriel, peut contribuer à renouveler la conception de la négociation collective et des relations professionnelles dans l’espace européen jusqu’alors appréhendée dans la littérature par le dialogue social. Nous avons identifié trois obstacles à la négociation collective européenne :le salaire « dépolitisé » dans le partenariat économique, le patronat devenu « partenaire-lobby » dans le dialogue social sectoriel, et la difficile européanisation syndicale.<p><p><p> / Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished