Les récentes attaques terroristes fomentées par l’État islamique ont conduit des scientifiques et des experts à examiner le phénomène de l’idéologie et la radicalisation jihadistes. L’attention des chercheurs a porté principalement sur les raisons psychosociologiques qui peuvent amener un individu à adhérer à l’idéologie jihadiste (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Plusieurs études ont été menées également sur les stratégies adoptées par Daesh pour diffuser sa propagande sur internet (Rogan, 2006). Dans une « guerre argumentative » (Angenot, 2008) qui se base sur le langage, les émotions jouent un rôle crucial (Lombardi, 2015). Cette recherche vise à étudier non pas les stratégies de diffusion du discours jihadiste, mais à examiner le discours-même et, plus particulièrement, les stratégies rhétoriques que Daesh adopte aussi bien pour menacer son ennemi que pour fasciner ses sympathisants. De même, cette étude a pour objectif d’analyser le discours que le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne ont produit afin de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. En examinant à la fois le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, cette recherche se propose de comparer les stratégies discursives qui caractérisent ces deux discours.L’analyse a été menée sur les deux revues diffusées par Daesh sur le web : Dabiq, publiée en anglais, et Dar al-Islam, publiée en français. En ce qui concerne le contre-discours, le corpus a été constitué à partir des articles publiés en ligne par le gouvernement français et l’Union Européenne sur les sites dédiés à la lutte contre la radicalisation jihadiste. Une approche quanti-qualitative a été adoptée afin d’identifier les caractéristiques générales et les spécificités de chaque corpus. Une analyse quantitative a été menée avec les logiciels Tropes et Iramuteq. Les résultats issus de cette analyse ont constitué le point de départ pour une étude qualitative, qui a permis d’identifier et d’étudier des éléments qui seraient passés inaperçus avec une étude uniquement quantitative. En outre, les logiciels Iramuteq et R ont été employés pour mener une analyse statistique et textuelle des différents corpus.Cette recherche a révélé des différences entre le discours jihadiste et le contre-discours, ainsi qu’entre le discours anglophone et le discours francophone. Contrairement au discours jihadiste anglophone, focalisé sur la communauté musulmane, le discours jihadiste francophone se focalise sur l’ennemi. Cette étude propose donc une description linguistique des émotions et des stratégies rhétoriques du discours jihadiste. Cette caractérisation discursive débouche sur des critères d’identification de la radicalisation sur le web et sur des préconisations concernant les types de messages les plus susceptibles de contrer la radicalisation jihadiste. / The recent terrorist attacks by the Islamic State in Western Europe have led researchers and experts to investigate the phenomenon of jihadist radicalisation. To date, research has tended to focus on the psycho-sociological reasons that may lead an individual to adhere to jihadist ideology and, sometimes, to act in the name of this ideology (Khosrokhavar, 2014). Different studies have also been conducted on the strategies adopted by Daesh to spread its propaganda on the Internet (Rogan, 2006). In an “argumentative war” (Angenot, 2008), that is, a war based on language, emotions play a crucial role (Lombardi, 2015).This study does not aim at studying the strategies adopted to spread the jihadist discourse. Rather, its goal is to examine the jihadist discourse itself and, more precisely, the rhetorical strategies adopted by Daesh to both threaten its enemy and fascinate its sympathisers. This dissertation also aims at analysing the discourse produced by both the French government and the European Union to counter jihadist radicalisation. By examining both jihadist discourse and counter-narrative, this study aims at comparing the discursive strategies characterising these two discourses.As far as the jihadist discourse is concerned, the study was conducted on the basis of two magazines released by Daesh on the Internet: Dabiq, published in English, and Dar al-Islam, published in French. As for the counter-narrative, the corpus consisted of the articles published online by both the French government and the European Union.A double quanti-qualitative approach was adopted in order to identify both the general features and the specificities of the different sub-corpora. A first quantitative analysis was conducted with the software Tropes and Iramuteq. The results obtained constituted the starting point for a qualitative study that allowed identifying and examining different features that might otherwise have gone unnoticed. Furthermore, the software Iramuteq and R were used to conduct a statistical and textual analysis in order to compare the different sub-corpora.This study revealed that the different discourses differ both in terms of content and form. Contrary to the English jihadist discourse, which focuses on the Muslim community as well as on the way a good Muslim should behave, the French jihadist discourse seems to focus on the enemy as well as on the violent action to take against them.

Darder (2012), in Culture and Power in the Classroom, argued that a system of educational inequality is promoted through the consistent production and reproduction of contradictions between the dominant culture and subordinate culture. More significantly, she noted that these dominant and subordinate culture contradictions create a necessity for bicultural individuals to navigate the dialectical tensions between dominant and subordinate cultures and the processes by which education perpetuates dynamics of unequal power and reproduces the dominant worldview. Hence, she urged educators to challenge prevalent power structures and re-imagine the process of schooling as a more inclusive form of pedagogy, geared towards establishing and sustaining cultural democracy in the classroom. This study responded to the call to work with a Pilipino/a student organization in creating an inclusive space in the schooling experience. The learning process for many Pilipino/a students has historically been steeped in a colonialist mentality and directed toward assimilating these students into the practices of mainstream culture in order to survive. This qualitative research intended to address the unjust issues rooted in the dominant structure of schooling and the persistence of a form of colonizing education that fails to incorporate Pilipino/a sociohistorical knowledge and practices of knowing. More specifically, it addresses issues and tensions related to the process of biculturalism, which Pilipino/a students are required to manage in order to utilize their voice and lived experiences as a basis for action. The methodology of this study was influenced by Pagtatanung-tanong—a Pilipino/a equivalent to participatory action research. In utilizing this approach, the study was formulated through the voices of Pilipino/a students at a community college engaged in community building actions toward cultural affirmation.

The purpose of this study was to explore what exactly bound post-Second World War American conservatives together. Since modern conservatism's recent birth in the United States in the last half century or more, many historians have claimed that both anti-communism and capitalism kept conservatives working in cooperation. My contention was that the intellectual founder of postwar conservatism, Russell Kirk, made imagination, and not anti-communism or capitalism, the thrust behind that movement in his seminal work The Conservative Mind. In The Conservative Mind, published in 1953, Russell Kirk created a conservative genealogy that began with English parliamentarian Edmund Burke. Using Burke and his dislike for the modern revolutionary spirit, Kirk uncovered a supposedly conservative seed that began in late eighteenth-century England, and traced it through various interlocutors into the United States that culminated in the writings of American expatriate poet T.S. Eliot. What Kirk really did was to create a counter-narrative to the American liberal tradition that usually began with the French Revolution and revolutionary figures such as English-American revolutionary Thomas Paine. One of my goals was to demystify the fusionist thesis, which states that conservatism is a monolithic entity of shared qualities. I demonstrated that major differences existed from conservatism's postwar origins in 1953. I do this by using the concept of textual communities. A textual community is a group of people led by a privileged interpreter—someone such as Russell Kirk—who translates a text, for example Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, for followers. What happens in a textual community is that the privileged interpreter explains to followers how to read a text and then forms boundaries around a particular rendering of a book. I argue that conservatism was full of these textual communities and privileged interpreters. Therefore, in consecutive chapters, I look at the careers of Russell Kirk, John Lukacs, Christopher Lasch, and Paul Gottfried to demonstrate how this concept fleshed out from 1953 and well into the first decade of the new millennium. / Ph. D.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Special Education, Counseling and Student Affairs / Kenneth F. Hughey / African American and Latino students continue to experience lower retention and higher attrition rates then their White counterparts. The aim of this qualitative interview study was to understand how African American and Latino students at a predominantly White institution (PWI) achieved graduation in Agriculture-STEM (A-STEM) disciplines. Based on the global need for more A-STEM and STEM professionals and the under-representation of African American and Latino students in the fields, there appeared to be a gap in the research on this population and success attributes with respect to completing undergraduate degrees. There was a tendency in the literature toward examining African American and Latino students utilizing the deficit model. This study explores the lived experiences of two African American and one Latino alumni of A-STEM programs. Understanding the life stories, via counter narratives, of these students may help universities develop stronger support for student success in college for not only African American and Latino students, but for all students in A-STEM disciplines. Critical Race Theory was the framework used for the analysis and the interpretation of the data in this study. The data consisted of interview transcripts, timeline, documents, photographs, and e-mail conversations. Communicating the findings in qualitative interview studies is the result of constructing the experiences and meanings of events through the eyes of the participants in a manner that portrays a representation of their experiences. Each participant’s counter narratives were created to highlight salient patterns reflected in their experiences. The writing around the participants’ experiences, and the interrogation of data allowed for the identification of patterns that were consistent with each participant’s stories and their individual unique details. The findings revealed: (a) ethnic minority students want faculty and administrators who looked like them because having someone to understand their experiences as people of color in PWI is needed; (b) the need for organizations that support ethnic minority student academic and social success, which in turn helps to create a sense of belongingness and a more inclusive campus climate; (c) more overall faculty support in and out of the classroom; and (d) opportunities for involvement in faculty-led research projects.

This essay explores the hierarchy amongst the characters in J.K Rowling’s Harry Potter novels with a theoretical focus on Critical Race Theory. The representation of the house-elves will be examined in relation to racism and slavery, which will be compared to values that have been influential in the past and that still shape society today. The result reveals that racism and slavery is presented throughout the novels and has a distinct connection with the British Empire as well as with Great Britain today. Counter narratives exhibit a new truth that is unveiled through the stories of the house-elves and create better understanding regarding discrimination. A pedagogical analysis has in addition been conducted on the novels to enhance the counter narratives through empathy. The student will with the novels, receive different perspectives that can help them to develop their empathic abilities.

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La catastrophe qui a frappé les États-Unis au matin du 11 septembre 2001 est considérée comme l’une des plus spectaculaires du 21ème siècle. Dès lors, se pose la question de son écriture. Si le monde entier en a été témoin, que peut donc nous apporter la littérature ? Pour répondre à cette question, il conviendra de s’intéresser à l’écriture de la ville après la catastrophe, afin de comprendre comment la béance laissée par la destruction des tours du World Trade Center à New York pourrait être narrée et justifiée. Parce que la catastrophe est tout d’abord physique, géographique, et intervient au cœur même de la ville, elle impose une réappropriation, une relecture et une réécriture de l’espace public. S’étendant au-delà de la question de l’espace urbain, la catastrophe se pense aussi en termes de temps, entre autres à cause de l’expérience traumatique qui en découle : impossible en effet de dissocier temps et trauma. La catastrophe contamine présent, passé et futur, opérant alors un dérèglement temporel. Ce questionnement sur la temporalité mène à une remise en question de l’immédiateté de certaines réponses, notamment politiques, et pousse à s’interroger sur les contre-récits fictionnels qui participent d’une réflexion sur cette temporalité altérée. La littérature post-11 septembre s’apparente donc à une écriture de la survivance, mais aussi à une écriture du questionnement et de la remise en cause de certaines positions, trop immédiates, face à la catastrophe. / The catastrophe that hit the United States of America on the morning of September 11, 2001 is regarded as one of the most spectacular events of the 21st century. Consequently, the possibility of writing about this event has to be questioned. Indeed, if the whole world got to witness this event, what more can literature tell us about it? To answer this question, the way the city of New York has been written about following the catastrophe needs to be considered, so as to understand how the hole left by the destruction of the World Trade Center could be narrated and justified. Insofar as the catastrophe is first and foremost physical and geographical and affects the core of the city, it makes it necessary for writers to reappropriate, re-read and re-write the public space. Beyond the issue of urban space, the catastrophe also needs to be tackled in terms of time, because of – among other factors – the traumatic experience that stems from it, as time and trauma cannot be separated. The catastrophe contaminates the present, the past and the future, inducing temporal disorder. Post-9/11 literature pertains to a writing of survival, but is also a literary form that questions certain positions for being too immediate following the catastrophe.

The label Salafee-Jihaadee has been used to categorize Islamic groups that espouse violence against the West and Muslim regimes. The typology of Salafee- Jihaadee is met with vehement disapproval and criticism from adherents to Salafism. For this reason, the portrayal of Salafees as violent extremists requires scrutiny. This study aims to make a unique contribution to knowledge of Salafism by surveying an extensive literature review, supplemented by interviews of known Salafee clerics based upon the premise that Salafism is an antidote to Islamic extremism rather than a cause of violent jihaad and terror. Furthermore, this research aims to offer new insight into existing literature and theory regarding Salafism. By re-examining current theory this research attempts to show that Salafism is an antidote to violent extremism. Therefore, there is a clear need to explore the relationship between Salafism, violent extremism, and takfeerism. In chapter one Salafism is defined and its key features as a movement are characterized and evaluated. Chapter two analyzes Salafees’ view and role in denouncing violence and extremism. Chapter three introduces alternative assessments of Salafism as a movement and evaluates the arguments put forth by its critics. Chapter four investigates Salafist perceptions of pluralism particularly in Western non-Muslim societies. Chapter five details the role of Salafees and their counter arguments to extremism. The final chapter details the conclusions of the research, which indicate that Salafism is not a precursor to violence, but rather the efforts of Salafee scholars offer effective counter-narratives to the jihaadeetakfeeree paradigm. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Islamic Studies)

The study interrogates the context reflectivity of postcolonial Shona popular music in Zimbabwe. It also explores the extent to which the legal environment in which the same music is produced, disseminated and consumed affects expressivity and artistic precision. The study is inspired by the New Historicism theory which assumes that every work of art is a product of the historical moment that created it and can be identified with the cultural and political movements of the time. The same is believed of popular music. The study is also beholden to the Marxist literary tradition for its assessment of the discourse of politics and socio-economic issues in popular music. For all the analysis, an Afrocentric eye view informs the thesis. Being qualitative in perspective, the research mainly uses the hermeneutic research design as an operational framework for the interpretation of lyrical data. Hermeneutics, as a method of textual analysis, emphasizes the socio-cultural and historic influences on qualitative interpretation. Postcolonial Shona popular music is purposively sampled and critically studied using the hermeneutic method to tease out latent social and political nuances in lyrical data. Interviews are roped in as alternative opinions to validate hermeneutic data. The research observes that the legislative environment in which Zimbabwean popular music is composed is, on paper, very conducive for the art but in practice severely restrictive. The constitution allows the artiste sufficient space to sing any subject but confessions by some critics alert on the incidences of some censored products. Even against that backdrop artistes have gone on to compose politically suggestive music. However, from the first decade of independence, the tendency for the artiste has been to flow with the meta-narrative or hegemonic discourses of the state, while in the later decades the artiste sounds critical of the nationalist government. Realising the power of music to articulate serious national issues; among other prescriptions, the study recommends that government creates a flexible and democratic legislation that allows for unbounded creativity and consumption of artistic products. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)