Esta tese procura estudar as relações entre o humanismo erasmiano e os processos de confessionalização desenvolvidos no contexto da Europa ocidental a partir da década de 1530. Um dos pressupostos da investigação é a existência de grande distância entre as perspectivas de Erasmo, moldadas segundo as noções de minima dogmata (a definição de um conjunto de dogmas reduzido ao mínimo essencial) e de condescendência para com as diferenças secundárias de doutrina dentro da fé cristã, e a atitude que norteou os processos confessionais, assinalada pelo enrijecimento doutrinário e pela multiplicação de dogmas. Apesar dessa distância, o humanismo erasmiano foi elemento importante na configuração da atitude confessional, tanto pela centralidade que deu à pregação enquanto instrumento catequético, quanto pelo estímulo que proporcionou à abordagem filológica nos estudos bíblicos. Nesse processo frustrou-se o projeto da minima dogmata: a multiplicação de dogmas trouxe, também, a multiplicação das acusações de heresia. Esse resultado ambíguo nos ensina algo sobre as ambiguidades de Erasmo e do seu humanismo. Ambos encontravam-se num contexto de enormes mudanças em todas as áreas, mas ligavam-se profundamente a estruturas sociais e a formas de pensamento do passado. A luta de Erasmo contra a tirania, marcada pela defesa dos antigos privilégios dos ordines contra as intromissões da centralização política, representou uma apropriação criativa dos valores que caracterizaram, cento e cinquenta anos antes, o humanismo cívico florentino; mas se revelou também um programa desprovido de qualquer viabilidade. Como humanista, Erasmo procurava adequar o mundo ao livro (à sabedoria dos Antigos, somada à sabedoria da fé cristã); nesse processo, deu respostas inadequadas aos problemas de sua própria época. Situado num momento de contrastes, na confluência de dois mundos e pertencendo, por formação e por convicção, ao mundo que se dissolvia, o humanismo erasmiano nos ensina muito, tanto sobre as estruturas do mundo medieval em crise como sobre as novas realidades que despontavam. / This thesis aims to study the relations between Erasmian humanism and the processes of confessionalization developed in Western Europe context from the 1530s. One of the assumptions of the research is that there are great distances between the perspectives and ideas of Erasmus, molded according to the notions of minimal dogmata (defining a set of dogmas reduced to a minimum) and condescension toward the minor differences of doctrine within the Christian faith, and the attitude that guided these confessional processes, marked by doctrinal rigidity and by multiplication of dogmas. This distances notwithstanding, Erasmian humanism was an important element in shaping the confessional attitude, both by the centrality that it gave to catechetical preaching and by the stimulus to philologycal approach in biblical studies. But the project for minima dogmata was thwarted; the multiplication of dogmas brought also the multiplication of heresys accusations. This ambiguous outcome teaches us something about the ambiguities of Erasmus and his humanism. Both were in a context of profound changes in all areas; but both were deeply linked to social structures and ways of thinking of the past. Erasmuss struggle against tyranny, marked by the defense of ordiness ancient privileges against the intrusions of political centralization, represented a criative appropriation of the values of old Florentine civic humanism; but it also revealed a program lacking any viability. As a humanist, Erasmus sought to adapt the world to the book (the wisdom of the Ancients, and the wisdom of the Christian faith); in doing so, Erasmus gave inadequate answers to the problems of his own time. Set in a time of contrasts, at the confluence of two worlds and belonging, by formation and conviction, to the fading world, Erasmian humanism teaches us a lot about the structures of the medieval world in crisis, and about the new realities that was about to breaking out.

Esta tese procura estudar as relações entre o humanismo erasmiano e os processos de confessionalização desenvolvidos no contexto da Europa ocidental a partir da década de 1530. Um dos pressupostos da investigação é a existência de grande distância entre as perspectivas de Erasmo, moldadas segundo as noções de minima dogmata (a definição de um conjunto de dogmas reduzido ao mínimo essencial) e de condescendência para com as diferenças secundárias de doutrina dentro da fé cristã, e a atitude que norteou os processos confessionais, assinalada pelo enrijecimento doutrinário e pela multiplicação de dogmas. Apesar dessa distância, o humanismo erasmiano foi elemento importante na configuração da atitude confessional, tanto pela centralidade que deu à pregação enquanto instrumento catequético, quanto pelo estímulo que proporcionou à abordagem filológica nos estudos bíblicos. Nesse processo frustrou-se o projeto da minima dogmata: a multiplicação de dogmas trouxe, também, a multiplicação das acusações de heresia. Esse resultado ambíguo nos ensina algo sobre as ambiguidades de Erasmo e do seu humanismo. Ambos encontravam-se num contexto de enormes mudanças em todas as áreas, mas ligavam-se profundamente a estruturas sociais e a formas de pensamento do passado. A luta de Erasmo contra a tirania, marcada pela defesa dos antigos privilégios dos ordines contra as intromissões da centralização política, representou uma apropriação criativa dos valores que caracterizaram, cento e cinquenta anos antes, o humanismo cívico florentino; mas se revelou também um programa desprovido de qualquer viabilidade. Como humanista, Erasmo procurava adequar o mundo ao livro (à sabedoria dos Antigos, somada à sabedoria da fé cristã); nesse processo, deu respostas inadequadas aos problemas de sua própria época. Situado num momento de contrastes, na confluência de dois mundos e pertencendo, por formação e por convicção, ao mundo que se dissolvia, o humanismo erasmiano nos ensina muito, tanto sobre as estruturas do mundo medieval em crise como sobre as novas realidades que despontavam. / This thesis aims to study the relations between Erasmian humanism and the processes of confessionalization developed in Western Europe context from the 1530s. One of the assumptions of the research is that there are great distances between the perspectives and ideas of Erasmus, molded according to the notions of minimal dogmata (defining a set of dogmas reduced to a minimum) and condescension toward the minor differences of doctrine within the Christian faith, and the attitude that guided these confessional processes, marked by doctrinal rigidity and by multiplication of dogmas. This distances notwithstanding, Erasmian humanism was an important element in shaping the confessional attitude, both by the centrality that it gave to catechetical preaching and by the stimulus to philologycal approach in biblical studies. But the project for minima dogmata was thwarted; the multiplication of dogmas brought also the multiplication of heresys accusations. This ambiguous outcome teaches us something about the ambiguities of Erasmus and his humanism. Both were in a context of profound changes in all areas; but both were deeply linked to social structures and ways of thinking of the past. Erasmuss struggle against tyranny, marked by the defense of ordiness ancient privileges against the intrusions of political centralization, represented a criative appropriation of the values of old Florentine civic humanism; but it also revealed a program lacking any viability. As a humanist, Erasmus sought to adapt the world to the book (the wisdom of the Ancients, and the wisdom of the Christian faith); in doing so, Erasmus gave inadequate answers to the problems of his own time. Set in a time of contrasts, at the confluence of two worlds and belonging, by formation and conviction, to the fading world, Erasmian humanism teaches us a lot about the structures of the medieval world in crisis, and about the new realities that was about to breaking out.

<p>This dissertation lays the groundwork for a reevaluation of early Protestant understandings of salvation in the sixteenth century by tracing the emergence of the confessional formulation of the doctrine of justification by faith from the perspective of the history of biblical interpretation. In the Introduction, the author argues that the diversity of first-generation evangelical and Protestant teaching on justification has been widely underestimated. Through a close comparison of first- and second-generation confessional statements in the Reformation period, the author seeks to establish that consensus on this issue developed slowly over the course over a period of roughly thirty years, from the adoption of a common rhetoric of dissent aimed at critiquing the regnant Catholic orthopraxy of salvation in the 1520's and 1530's, to the emergence of a common theological culture in the 1540's and beyond. With the emergence of this new theological culture, an increasingly precise set of definitions were employed, not only to explicate the new Protestant gospel more fully, but also to highlight areas of divergence with traditional Catholic teaching.</p> <p> With this groundwork in place, the author then examines the development of several key concepts in the emergence of the confessional doctrine of justification through the lens of biblical interpretation. Focusing on two highly contested chapters in Paul's epistle to the Romans, the author demonstrates that early evangelical and Protestant biblical exegesis varied widely in its aims, motivations, and in its appropriation of patristic and medieval interpretations. Chapter 1 consists of a survey of pre-Reformation exegesis of the first half of Rom 2, and the author demonstrates that this text had traditionally been interpreted as pointing to an eschatological final judgment in which the Christian would be declared righteous (i.e., "justified") in accord with, but not directly on the basis of, a life of good deeds. In Chapter 2, the author demonstrates that early evangelical exegetes broke away from this consensus, but did so slowly. Several early Protestant interpreters continued, throughout the 1520's and 1530's, to view this text within a traditional frame of interpretation supplied by Origen and Augustine, and only with Philipp Melanchthon's development of a rhetorical-critical approach to the text were Protestants able to overcome the traditional reading and so neutralize the first half of Rom 2 as a barrier to the emerging doctrine of justification by faith alone.</p> <p> Chapters 3, 4, and 5 all deal with the reception history of what is arguably the central text in the Reformation debates concerning justification by faith, Rom 3. Chapter 3 turns once more to patristic and medieval interpretation, and here it is argued that that two major strands of interpretation dominated pre-Reformation exegesis. A "minority view" contrasted justification with works of the ceremonial law, arguing that Paul's assertion of justification "apart from works of the law" was aimed at highlighting the insufficiency of the Jewish ceremonial law in contrast with the sacraments of the Catholic church. In contrast with this view, the "majority view" (arising again from Origen and Augustine) argued that the contrast was properly viewed as one between justification and works of the moral law, thus throwing into sharp relief the problem of justification in relation to good works. This tradition generally followed Augustine in drawing a contrast between works of the law performed prior to, and following upon, the initiation of justification as a life-long process of transformation by grace, but at the same time insisted that this process ultimately issued in the believer fulfilling the demands of the moral law. In Chapter 4, I turn to Luther's early exegesis of Rom 3, as seen in his lectures from 1515. In contrast with Luther's own description of his "Reformation breakthrough" later in life, I argue that Luther did not arrive at his new understanding of justification in a flash of inspiration inspired by Augustine; rather, his early treatment of Romans is unimpeachably Catholic and unmistakably Augustinian, although there are indications even in this early work that Luther is not entirely satisfied with Augustine's view. In Chapter 5, I consider the ways in which Luther's followers develop his critique of the Augustinian reading of justification in the first generation of the Reformation. Throughout this period, it was unclear whether Protestant exegesis of Paul would resolve itself into a repristinization of patristic theology, inspired in large part by Augustine, or whether it would develop into something genuinely new. The key turning point, I argue, came in the early 1530's with Melanchthon's rejection of Augustine's transformative model of justification, and his adoption in its place of a strictly forensic construal of Paul's key terms. Many of Melanchthon's fellow reformers continued to operate within an Augustinian framework, however as Melanchthon's terms passed into wider acceptance in Protestant exegesis, it became increasingly apparent that the Protestant reading of Paul could not ultimately be reconciled with patristic accounts of justification.</p> / Dissertation

The presented Master theses deals with the issues related to the existence and activities of the Non-Catholics and the Non-Christians in the 16th Century Italy. Using the comparative approach, it studies the spreading of the ideas of Reformation and their reception by the local population. It deals also with the social structure of the sympathizers of the Non-Catholical confessions. In the case of Non-Christians it deals mainly with the change of the attitude towards them in the selected time period. For the comparation was chosen the majority of important Italian States of the selected period - Tuscany, The Republic of Genoa, The Kingdom of Naples and the Kingdom of Sicily, The Duchy of Milan, The Duchy of Savoy, The Republic of Venice and the Papal state. On the bases of the chosen comparative approach and the study of relevant historical sources and specialised literature, this Master theses provides both the analysis of the common features of the activity of the Non-Catholics and the Non-Christians in the studied area, as the regional differences. Keywords: Heresy, Non-Catholics, Italy, 16th Century, Non-Christians

Les recherches portent sur la transmission des savoirs au sein des universités allemandes à l’époque moderne : il s’agit d’une tentative pour comprendre la manière dont le modèle universitaire germanique, dans le monde luthérien, a emprunté une voie spécifique au moment décisif de la confessionnalisation et de la territorialisation, c’est-à-dire à l’heure où les fractures confessionnelles s’enracinent dans la durée, tandis que la Guerre de Trente ans et l’humanisme ont bouleversé les conditions de la pratique savante. L’étude entend examiner l’évolution des savoirs et de leur transmission en lien avec le contexte social : elle analyse l’évolution des disciplines dans le cadre des chaires des facultés, mais aussi les pratiques des groupes concernés. Parmi les nombreuses universités allemandes de l’époque, celle de Helmstedt retient plus spécialement l’attention. Grâce aux catalogues de cours et aux comptes-rendus manuscrits des professeurs, l’université située dans le duché de Brunswick offre la possibilité de réconcilier histoire des sciences, politique et sociologie. / This research is about the transmission of knowledges within german universities in the early modern period : it attempts to understand the way the german academic model followed a specific path, in the lutheran world, in the decisive moment of confessionalization and territorialization, when confessional dislocation took root and the Thirty Year’s War and humanism turned the scholarly practice conditions upside down. This study intends to examine the evolution of knowledges and its transmission in connection with the social context : it analyzes the evolution of the disciplines within the framework of faculty chairs, but also the practices of the groups concerned by this. Among the many german universities of this period, Helmstedt commands attention. Thanks to class catalogues and handwritten accounts by the teachers, the university located in the Duchy of Brunswick allows the possibility to reconcile the history of sciences with politics and sociology.

In the seventeenth century, many refugees saw the United Provinces of the Netherlands as a promised land—a gathering ark, or in French, arche. In fact, Pierre Bayle called it, "la grande arche des fugitifs." This thesis shows the reception of one particular group of Protestant refugees, the Huguenots, who migrated to the Netherlands because of Catholic confessionalization in France, especially after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The thesis offers two case studies—one of the acceptance of Huguenot clergymen and one of the mixed reception of refugee radical and philosopher Pierre Bayle—in order to add nuance to existing knowledge and understanding of the Huguenot diaspora, and of the nature of tolerance in the Dutch Republic, especially in regard to the Dutch Reformed Church. Dutch society, and especially the Reformed Church, welcomed the Huguenot refugees because of their similar religious beliefs and the economic and cultural benefits they brought with them. Particularly following the 1685 Revocation, refugees fleeing France settled securely in the Republic amongst the Walloons, descendants of refugees already settled there, and worshiped in prosperity and peace within the Walloon Church, a French-speaking arm of the Dutch Reformed Church. Using synodal records, this thesis examines the relationships between refugee pastors and the established Walloon leaders and finds that there was a bond of acceptance between the two groups of clergy, motivated by the desire for orthodoxy in religious belief, or in other words, by a Reformed desire for confessionalization"”more Reformed adherents also made Dutch society more Reformed. Huguenots were also able to maintain a measure of French identity while still being integrated into Dutch society. The second chapter shows the limits of Dutch tolerance by examining the Netherlandish experience of Pierre Bayle, a Huguenot refugee and philosopher. His experience was typical for a controversial philosopher and refugee in the Netherlands because he endured intolerance from certain religious authorities, but also received protection from other moderate religious officials and university and civic authorities. Bayle expressed sentiments that the Netherlands was a safe haven, or ark, for refugees, even though he endured censure from church officials. Their aims were to make the community's religious convictions more uniform, and some leaders of the Dutch Reformed Church saw Bayle's ideas as threats to that—to confessionalization. In the same vein as Benjamin Kaplan's Divided By Faith, this thesis shows that tolerance certainly existed in the Republic, but was more complicated than Bayle and others suggested. Indeed, efforts that thwarted confessionalization were met with intolerance by the Dutch Reformed Church. This thesis also contributes to Huguenot studies by discussing the relationships of refugees to their host community in the Dutch Republic.

In 1563, the publication of the Heidelberg Catechism marked the conversion of the Rhineland Palatinate to a stronghold for Reformed religion. Immediately thereafter, however, the Palatinate church experienced a deeply unsettling surge in the popularity of antitrinitarianism. To their Lutheran and Catholic opponents, this development revealed a toxic connection between Reformed theology and the tenets of antitrinitarianism. As early as 1565, for instance, the Catholic Cardinal Stanislaus Hosius argued anonymously that the Reformed principle of sola scriptura was indistinguishable from the biblicism which had led heretics to reject the doctrine of the Trinity on the grounds that it was nowhere explicitly justified in the biblical text. Seven years later, the displaced Italian theologian and Heidelberg professor, Girolamo Zanchi, countered this argument in his De Tribus Elohim (1572). This huge landmark of this early theological crisis in Heidelberg sought to oppose the biblicism of the early antitrinitarians by arguing that the doctrine of the Trinity was explicitly taught within the Hebrew divine names Jehovah and Elohim. The following year De Tribus Elohim received an Imperial Privilege from the Catholic court in Vienna, a distinction virtually unheard of for a Reformed theological text. Zanchi’s argument was then widely promulgated in the marginal notations of the tremendously influential Biblia Sacra of Franciscus Junius and Immanuel Tremellius, and became a staple of refutations of antitrinitarianism thereafter. Yet Zanchi’s confidence that trinitarian theology was contained within the Hebrew of the Old Testament was not shared by many of his own Reformed colleagues. John Calvin’s exegetical works had explicitly rejected this argument; and theologians like David Pareus (Zanchi’s younger colleague in Heidelberg) and the Dutch Hebraist Johannes Drusius preferred a more historical-grammatical reading of the Old Testament and dismissed Zanchi’s reading of the name Elohim despite the danger that this might sacrifice a valuable defence against antitrinitarianism. Complicating the picture further, the Lutheran polemicist Aegidius Hunnius directed Zanchi’s arguments against Calvin in his Calvinus Iudaizans (1593). This variety of responses to Zanchi’s argument demonstrates the diversity of assumptions about the nature of the biblical text within the Reformed church, contradicting the notion that the Reformed world in the age of “confessionalization” was becoming increasingly homogenous or that the works of John Calvin had become the authoritative touchstone of Reformed orthodoxy in this period.

No description available.

This thesis in historical-anthropological point of view deals with the ways of reception of ?miles christianus? ideal among Bohemian lower noblemen during the second half of the 16th Century. The medieval ideal of ?miles christianus? was revived in connection with new Ottoman Empire expansion in the South-East Europe. The theme is studied in case of Šťastný Václav Pětipeský of Chýše and Egrberk, a chosen lower nobleman. The attention was concentrated on the reconstruction of nobleman?s inner life and changes in thinking during his whole lifetime with additional insight into the history of Pětipeští of Chýše and Egrberk noble family. The paper contributes to the study of everyday life, political activities and thinking of Bohemian lower nobility before the Bohemian revolt in the context of ?new political history? research.

In der vorliegenden Studie, die von der Philologisch-Historischen Fakultät an der Universität Augsburg 2005 als Dissertation angenommen wurde, wird „erstmals ein repräsentatives Korpus von über 200 Hochzeitspredigtdrucken“ (Klappentext) im „Zeitalter der Konfessionalisierung“ erschlossen, deren ,sintflutartiges‘ Auftreten (S.1) bis ins frühe 17. Jahrhundert auf die „Neubewertung der Ehe […] für den europäisch-abendländischen Kulturkreis“ (ebd.) und damit zugleich dieses Übergangsrituals in seiner Verkirchlichung in den Konfessionskirchen des 16. Jahrhunderts (S.104–107) hinweist. Markgraf sichtete die zwischen 1520 und 1700 (S. 36) erschienenen Drucke aus der Herzog-August-Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel, der Staats- und Stadtbibliothek und der Universitätsbibliothek Augsburg und weist diese in einer umfangreichen Bibliographie (S.547–625) ausdrücklich für die „geschichtswissenschaftliche Forschung“ (S. 44) nach. Mit 177 Texten aus Wolfenbüttel und 50 Texten aus Augsburg bilden „mehr als die Hälfte der ermittelten Gesamtüberlieferung“ (S. 38) das Untersuchungskorpus, das letztlich – Überschneidungen herausgerechnet – aus 209 Einzeltexten und drei Sammeldrucken (mit je sieben bzw. zweimal 15 Drucken) besteht. Die „,reformatorischen Hauptschriften‘ und die Ehetraktate Luthers“ ,De bono conjugali (401) des Aurelius Augustinus und die Oeconomia christiana (1529) ergänzen das Korpus (S. 39).