Walton and McKersie (1965) defined relationship patterns as those shared attitudes that are important to negotiators when they are interacting together. In the case of the 2004 Japanese Professional Baseball collective bargaining negotiations, Dabscheck (2006) discussed the major issues and events that led to the two (2) day labor strike. However, his article did not describe how the relationship pattern between the Nippon Professional Baseball (NPB) and the Japanese Professional Baseball Players Association (JPBPA) changed to facilitate the settlement of the conflict. Along the same vein, researchers (Adair, Brett, & Okumura, 2001; Adair & Brett, 2005; Deck, Farmer, & Zeng, 2009; and Doucet, Jehn, Weldon, & Wang, 2009; Drake, 1995; Neu, 1988; and McDaniel, 2000) attempted to show a link between negotiator behavior from cultural and communication perspectives, however, there was little empirical attention paid to the psychological process, such as thoughts, perceptions, emotions, and attitudes, and its link to negotiator behavior leaving a gap in the existing scholarly literature. To address the gap in Dabscheck's (2006) article and the existing scholarly literature, I utilized Yin's (2009) Case Study Research Approach to qualitative inquiry by analyzing document reviews and engaging collaboratively with research participants through focused interviews to investigate how the relationship pattern in the 2004 Japanese Professional Baseball collective bargaining negotiations changed from the beginning to the end of the conflict if at all. I found that the NPB and the JPBPA institutional pattern of relationship at the start of the conflict began with a containment-aggression relationship pattern, and over four (4) months, the pattern of relationship did change from containment-aggression to cooperation. Upon further investigation, I found that the NPB and the JPBPA negotiators operated initially in the distributive bargaining sub-process utilizing reinforcement tactics, but over the course of four (4) months, they began to operate in the integrative bargaining sub-process with the utilization of cognitive balance tactics even though the NPB and the JPBPA negotiators never abandoned operating in the distributive bargaining sub-process. In essence, they operated in hybrid distributive and integrative sub-processes at the same time. Moreover, I discovered that the NPB and the JPBPA moved from containment-aggression to cooperation not only because of a change in the NPB's lead negotiator position, but also because of a shared emotional moment between the NPB and the JPBPA negotiators, which initiated a shift away from stalemate. Although environmental factors, such as the media, fans, politicians, and other unions, over the course of four (4) months did not waiver in their support for the resolution of the conflict, the evidence did not directly demonstrate the way that their support and their influence manifested in the collective bargaining negotiations.

Utilizing the lexicon of the French experimental thinkers Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, research is engaged which indicates that their insights are compatible with and augmentative to the field of Conflict Studies. Specifically, four recognized conflict management approaches, which include the concepts of negotiation, the transformation of the conflict, narrative, and the transformation of the conflicted parties, are populated via an emerging Deleuze and Guattari inspired modus operandi. This process has resulted in an original new term, Conflict Inhabitation, which proposes that the conflicted parties recognize, to their mutual benefit, the centrality of difference to possibility and the acknowledgement of existence as dynamically becoming. This adventure is contextualized utilizing a Personal Narrative Autoethnographic Methodology which systematically engages the intensity of what it means to reside as a person in midst of the human induced Global Warming Climate Change experience during the Anthropocene Epoch. / Graduate

This thesis investigates how and why U.S. policies and agencies are ill-equipped to respond to narco-terrorism and offers some policy recommendations for remedying that. Narco-terrorism is the merging of terrorism and drug trafficking. Terrorist organizations and narcotics traffickers each have much to offer the other; there is potential for symbiosis in the form of cooperation and even hybridization. Examination of the dynamics between terrorist organizations and drug traffickers, combined with an evaluation of the US responses to narcoterrorism in Colombia and Afghanistan, makes it clear that current US policy responses fail to recognize narcoterrorism as a unique challenge, and instead attempt to deal separately with terrorism and drug trafficking. This approach has the potential to actually worsen both situations. The US needs a narcoterrorism strategy and institutions in place to implement it.

In recent years, terrorism and radicalization has been a consistent issue that many countries have faced. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has been the most recent in a long trail of organizations that have sought to strike terror against the western world. However, ISIS is distinguished from other groups, like Al-Qaeda, in that ISIS supports a complex propaganda machine. Although ISIS is not the first organization to use the social media platform, they are the first to use it with such diversity. The two main channels that ISIS uses to spread their propaganda messages are through social media sites such as Twitter and through online journals such as the Dabiq. Recent research has attempted to determine how recruitment messages are being received and which messages trigger recruitment. It is the goal of this paper to determine which messages are salient, and the psychological constructs that support them. By coding messages for appeals to identity, need for cognitive closure, time pressure, and appeals to ideology, the researchers expect that the two main channels of ISIS propaganda differ in their messages. We hypothesize that Twitter messages will be targeted towards novice ISIS sympathizers, whereas the Dabiq will be focused on already-radicalized individuals who have moved past the introduction of the radical ideology.

The purpose of this project is to develop an integrative unit for peace education that is based on analyzing song lyrics and developing critical literacy.

One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.

An estimated twelve million people worldwide are stateless, or living without the legal bond of citizenship or nationality with any state, and consequently face barriers to employment, property ownership, education, health care, customary legal rights, and national and international protection. More than one-quarter of the world's stateless people live in Thailand. This feminist ethnography explores the impact of statelessness on the everyday lives of Burmese women political exiles living in Thailand through the paradigm of human security and its six indicators: food, economic, personal, political, health, and community security. The research reveals that exclusion from national and international legal protections creates pervasive and profound political and personal insecurity due to violence and harassment from state and non-state actors. Strong networks, however, between exiled activists and their organizations provide community security, through which stateless women may access various levels of food, economic, and health security. Using the human security paradigm as a metric, this research identifies acute barriers to Burmese stateless women exiles' experiences and expectations of well-being, therefore illustrating the potential of human security as a measurement by which conflict resolution scholars and practitioners may describe and evaluate their work in the context of positive peace.

The aim of this thesis was to identify and analyze workplace conflict by enquiring into the nature of conflict, conflict management, and human resources (HR) strategies for conflict management in international companies based in Japan (ICBIJ). This study explores one part of a conflict system comprising cultural issues, HR strategies, conflict, and its effect on retention. The research question is "What is the nature of the conflict experienced by Japanese workers in international companies based in Japan and what type of conflict management do they access?" 16 Japanese workers were surveyed yielding qualitative and qualitative data. Findings indicate that workplace conflicts are both interpersonal and organizational. Participants used a variety of strategies to manage conflict which varied depending on the type of conflict and the rank of the participant. The findings indicate gaps between the ideal situation as described in the literature and reality.

China has achieved unprecedented economic growth and consequent successes in poverty alleviation over the past three decades of economic liberalization and market-oriented reforms. Yet, in order to continue its progress in poverty reduction, while addressing pressing environmental and sociopolitical concerns, it is crucial for China’s leaders to achieve and sustain green, equitable, and robust economic performance in all parts of China. This thesis argues that a reconceptualized and strengthened rural industrialization program would enable China to maintain economic growth and assist with the transition to a domestically driven consumer economy. Moreover, rural industrialization, coupled with targeted administrative and institutional policy modifications, will enable the Chinese government to provide support to millions of its rural poor, thus avoiding social instability and potentially severe internal conflicts. Such a program would also lessen pollution and its associated costs on China’s densely populated cities, by shifting heavy urban industries to relatively less contaminated areas while adopting cleaner, environmentally sustainable technologies, introduced in a participatory manner in consultation with local communities. This approach would concurrently address regional, rural-to-urban, and intra-communal disparities, provide opportunity for “green growth” initiatives, and better equip rural populations to address growing vulnerabilities as a result of climate change.

China has achieved unprecedented economic growth and consequent successes in poverty alleviation over the past three decades of economic liberalization and market-oriented reforms. Yet, in order to continue its progress in poverty reduction, while addressing pressing environmental and sociopolitical concerns, it is crucial for China’s leaders to achieve and sustain green, equitable, and robust economic performance in all parts of China. This thesis argues that a reconceptualized and strengthened rural industrialization program would enable China to maintain economic growth and assist with the transition to a domestically driven consumer economy. Moreover, rural industrialization, coupled with targeted administrative and institutional policy modifications, will enable the Chinese government to provide support to millions of its rural poor, thus avoiding social instability and potentially severe internal conflicts. Such a program would also lessen pollution and its associated costs on China’s densely populated cities, by shifting heavy urban industries to relatively less contaminated areas while adopting cleaner, environmentally sustainable technologies, introduced in a participatory manner in consultation with local communities. This approach would concurrently address regional, rural-to-urban, and intra-communal disparities, provide opportunity for “green growth” initiatives, and better equip rural populations to address growing vulnerabilities as a result of climate change.