Conspiracy theory beliefs have become ubiquitous within our society. One cannot partake in any form of media without confronting different conspiracy theories, such as beliefs that the Earth is flat, that birds are not real, that the moon landing was fake, or that vaccines cause autism spectrum disorder. Conspiracy theories are beliefs that revolve around false explanations of public and political events concerning a secret organization with malicious intent. What makes people vulnerable to conspiracy theory beliefs? Prior research indicates that people often adopt conspiracy beliefs in an attempt to reduce feelings of anxiety, uncertainty, and threat. Unfortunately, prior research also suggests that conspiracy theory beliefs might not relieve these negative emotional states. As a result, one might conclude that conspiracy theory beliefs are misguided attempts to regulate one’s emotional state during times of anxiety and uncertainty. The goal for the current research was to gain a greater understanding of who may be more susceptible to conspiracy theory beliefs. As prior research has shown that adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) often predict poorer emotion regulation, we wanted to explore whether ACEs may predict conspiracy theory beliefs as explained through emotion dysregulation. In this exploratory research, we recruited 719 participants online through Sona at East Tennessee State University (Mage= 19.98) and asked participants to complete two scales to measure conspiracy theory beliefs, the Generic Conspiracist Beliefs Scale (GCB) and the Conspiracy Mentality Scale (CM), as well as self-report measures of ACEs and emotion dysregulation. Results showed that ACEs did not directly predict conspiracy theory beliefs; however, when emotional dysregulation was included as a mediator, ACEs predicted conspiracy theory beliefs on both GCB and CM scales. This suggests that people who indicated experiencing more ACEs within the first 18 years of life tended to score higher in emotion dysregulation and will have more difficulty regulating their own emotions when it comes to social and environmental problems. Because of this, individuals who experienced more ACEs may rely on external factors and maladaptive coping strategies, such as conspiracy theory beliefs, to regulate their negative emotional states. Although ACE scores were not a direct determining factor in conspiracy theory beliefs, they can be used to reveal and better understand other maladaptive traits and the possibility of developing psychological disorders in the future. As this research was exploratory, future research will need to confirm these findings, ideally with a more diverse sample in age, race and educational background. Despite these limitations, the current study aids in our understanding about who may be more susceptible to engaging in conspiracy theory beliefs and can inform about possible interventions in the future.

This thesis is an examination of "paranoid conspiracy" films, a film noir subgenre that emerged in mainstream American cinema in the early 1970s and turns on vast, shadowy conspiracies located within U.S. "power structures" (government agencies, the military, the media) and directed against the American public. Specifically, it focuses on the emergence of these films in the 1970s, their almost complete disappearance during the Reagan presidency, and subsequent reemergence in the early 1990s. Placing representative texts in the context of U.S. political and social reality of the last three decades, it analyzes the relationship between the conspiracy theory genre, the "crisis of confidence" in the American society, and the process of formation of American national identity.

Objective: Vaccine hesitancy remains a significant public health challenge, and one that is socially patterned. This study examined whether the vaccine hesitancy effects of identifying as female, race–ethnicity, the number of children, educational attainment, and political conservatism were mediated by governmental conspiracy beliefs. Methods: Linear mediation models controlling for potential confounders were employed to analyze data from a national survey of adults (2019 Chapman University Survey of American Fears; n = 1,209). Results: Effects on vaccine hesitancy were significant and negative for educational attainment, and significant and positive for the other focal predictors. Governmental conspiracy beliefs significantly mediated each of these effects; the percent mediated was largest for Hispanic identity (79 percent), followed by female identification (69 percent), educational attainment (69 percent), number of children (55 percent), black identification (34 percent), and political conservatism (30 percent). Conclusion: This study underscores the importance of nonvaccine-related conspiracy beliefs for future interventions aimed at reducing sociodemographic disparities in vaccine hesitancy.

My thesis will reconsider the failed attempt by a number of Roman citizens to gain power in Rome in 63 B.C., commonly labeled “The Conspiracy of Catiline.” Two Roman authors, M. Tullius Cicero and C. Sallustius Crispus, were eyewitnesses to the events occurring that year and both wrote lengthy accounts about the discovery and suppression of the affair and its participants, who were planning to gain power in Rome through violent means. The participants planned murder and arson inside of Rome and threatened the city with an army in northern Etruria. Our sources tend to ascribe the leadership of these hostile activities to L. Sergius Catilina, presented as a debauched, and indebted, scion of a noble family. However, our sources discuss many other Roman citizens who participated with the affair. My thesis provides a comprehensive study of the terminology Cicero and Sallust used and the lexical choices they made to describe the affair and its participants. I examine the terminology that both these authors used to identify the affair’s context, primarily focusing on the terms coniuratio (“conspiracy”) and bellum (“war”), with the aim of showing how these terms and concepts become crystallized in this period. In addition, I examine the portrayal of the reported disturbances occurring inside and outside of Rome and the representation of the Roman citizens who were involved in them. By scrutinizing the terminology found in Cicero and Sallust’s accounts of the affair of 63, my thesis demonstrates that its common appellation as “The Conspiracy of Catiline” and all that it means – in terms of a single event with one leader – needs to be reconsidered due to the interpretations of its multifarious aspects.

Although the number of HIV infected peaked in the late 1980’s, HIV remains a major concern within the African American community (CDC, 2008). African Americans are disproportionately affected, comprising 14% of the U.S. population but representing 44% of new HIV infections in 2009 (CDC, 2011). It is vital to identify barriers to positive health behaviors like consistent condom use and HIV testing. This study focus on factors impacting attitudes towards HIV testing, including mistrust of the healthcare system, measured by support for HIV conspiracy theories (Thomas & Quinn, 1991). It also examined the prevalence of HIV conspiracy beliefs among African American college students, along with their perceptions of racism. The first goal of this study was to determine if perceived racism and HIV conspiracy theories are predictors of HIV testing attitudes. The second goal was to examine if perceived racism moderates the relationship between conspiracy beliefs and HIV testing attitudes. The findings indicated that higher levels of HIV conspiracy beliefs were associated with more negative attitudes towards HIV testing. The association between perceived racism and testing attitudes was marginally significant, while the interaction between perceived racism and testing was not significant. Implications for research and HIV interventions are discussed.

This thesis argues that narratives about Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs) act as the central point of contact between conspiracist and popular millennial fields. Their confluence has come to form a field here termed ‘metaphysical conspiracism’, combining teleological narratives, the promise of soteriological knowledge and the threat of occluded malevolent agencies. I argue that metaphysical conspiracism offers a unique perspective on the interplay of knowledge, power and the construction of the other in contemporary popular discourse. Narratives about UFOs (and their extra-terrestrial occupants) have their roots in the Cold War period, but from the 1980s were increasingly constructed within a supernatural framework. Discourse analysis of popular literature from this period reveals a process of discursive transfer as the UFO narrative is contested and negotiated between conspiracist discourses concerning powerful, hidden agencies and popular millennial discourses of personal and planetary transformation, including ‘New Age’, 'Ascension' and '2012'. Using historical discourse analysis, supported by small-scale ethnographic sampling, I examine this discursive transfer in the work of three popular writers who together offer a broad overview of the field. Whitley Strieber was a central figure in the 'alien abduction' narrative in the 1980s, but his speculations on its meaning led him increasingly towards millennial and conspiratorial narratives. David Icke's well-known theory that a conspiracy of reptilian extraterrestrials has secretly seized control of the planet is demonstrated to have developed in the 1990s from a post-Theosophical narrative of benevolent UFOs as harbingers of the 'New Age'. Although less well-known, David Wilcock's work demonstrates that UFOs were also instrumental in the incorporation of conspiracist material into the recent '2012' millennial narrative. I seek to answer two questions with this thesis. Firstly, what is the common mechanism which facilitates the hybridisation I uncover between conspiracy narratives and popular millennialism? Secondly, how do the resulting metaphysical conspiracist narratives serve their subscribers? Despite a number of structural similarities, I argue that the common mechanism is the mobilisation of counter-epistemic strategies; that is, those predicated upon access to non-falsifiable sources of knowledge. The UFO narrative is particularly well-suited to suggesting sociological uncertainty about the boundaries between scientific and other strategies for the legitimisation of knowledge, encouraging its adoption by both conspiracist and millennial discourses. Secondly, metaphysical conspiracism reconciles the utopian vision of popular millennial discourse with the apocalyptic critique of modern global society announced by conspiracists. I therefore argue that metaphysical conspiracism supplies an effective popular theodicy with a Gnostic flavour in which these millennial prophecies did not ‘fail’, but were prevented from arriving by hidden malevolent others.

The 2016 American presidential election sent shockwaves through the world. Hillary Clinton the candidate that most experts predicted where going to win was beaten by a boisterous real estate developer from New York, Donald Trump. The language employed by president Trump both during and after his presidential campaign has been highly controversial, especially with the allusion to different forms of conspiracy theories. This essay investigates how Donald Trump alludes to conspiracy theories in relation to the Mueller investigation.

Le nationalisme, la xénophobie, le racisme et lantisémitisme, lopposition aux élites, la stigmatisation des étrangers, les discours anti-immigrés, mais aussi lautoritarisme, lidéologie loi et ordre (Law and order), lantiparlementarisme et lanticommunisme, entre autres traits caractéristiques, représentent quelques-uns des qualificatifs les plus souvent cités dans la littérature consacrée au populisme et à lextrême droite. En fonction des partis politiques concernés, des contextes institutionnels et des particularités nationales et géographiques, ces qualificatifs prendront une dimension centrale ou secondaire selon quil sagira de caractériser un courant populiste ou un parti dextrême droite. A lappui dune comparaison entre la France et les Etats-Unis, louvrage vise à démontrer que lensemble de ces qualificatifs entretiennent tous à des degrés divers un rapport fondamental avec un imaginaire du complot, cest-à-dire avec un monde de significations structuré et cohérent (normes, significations, images, symboles, valeurs et croyances) qui privilégie la théorie du complot pour expliquer la politique et lhistoire.

The assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 and the terrorist attacks of 9/11 are two events that scarred America and its people. In the aftermath of the assassination and the terrorist attacks, the American public was forced to sift through competing messages existing in the public sphere in order to make meaning out of the events. Although the American government, within a few days of both events, released who was ultimately responsible (Lee Harvey Oswald assassinated President Kennedy and Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda were responsible for 9/11), the people were still left with coming to terms for why such violence occurred. In order to provide a frame from which the American people could view and understand the assassination and the terrorist attacks, two blue ribbon commissions were formed: the Warren Commission, which investigated the assassination of President Kennedy and the 9/11 Commission, which investigated the terrorist attacks. Despite the reports’ purposes, significant segments of the population questioned both Commissions’ conclusions. In both instances, conspiratorial understandings of the events grew after the publication of the reports so that, in the case of the Warren Commission, most of the American public believe Oswald did not act alone and, in the case of the 9/11 Commission, there is growing belief that the government’s failure to predict and prevent the terrorist attacks was the result of a governmental conspiracy. This dissertation seeks to understand why, in our current times, official discourses are unable to prevail over conspiracy theories. This study proposes to illustrate the power of conspiracy discourse by examining it through the lens of official discourses that were designed, in part, to head-off conspiracy beliefs before they gained momentum within the American public. Such an inquiry will provide three main benefits: it will contribute to a more exacting understanding of the rhetorical power of conspiracy arguments in our times; it will provide insight into the relationship between official and conspiracy discourses (especially as they now exist); and, such a study has implications for determining the current direction of political life.

The goal of this study was to develop a demographic profile of food co-op shoppers and to assess the relationship between policy importance ratings and two measures of shopper involvement. A survey measuring co-op shopper demographic characteristics, ratings of co-op environment and ratings of the importance of 13 co-op policies was completed by 283 food co-op shoppers in the fall of 1983 at the Food Conspiracy Co-op in Tucson Arizona. Overall, the strongest distinction between working members and non-members was a tendency for members to spend more at the food co-op. The two groups were similar demographically and similar in their ratings of the quality of food co-op atmosphere. Both groups rated range of co-op policies as important factors in store selection. These co-op policies were equally important to both members and non-members, and the importance ratings were largely unaffected by length of involvement with the organization.