The primary focus of this study is the analysis of constitutional amendment-making processes following transitions from authoritarian regimes. Based on an extended longitudinal comparative case study of Chile and Turkey, the body of the work focuses on the experience of constitution-making during military rule and amendment-making following the transition to elected civilian governments. While both countries suffered a breakdown of democracy and ensuing new military-imposed constitutions, their amendment-making processes after the restoration of democracy were quite different. Chile developed a largely consensual approach while Turkey moved increasingly toward dissonance and confrontation. Extensive field research and personal interviews in both countries found that the procedural rigidity of amendment-making processes is insufficient to explain the extent and direction of constitutional change adopted under elected civilians after the transition from military rule (Chile in 2005, Turkey in 2010). Therefore a central feature of this study is the development of an analytical framework to explore both demand and supply side factors. This framework deconstructs the amendment making mechanism by examining such demand-side factors as shifts in the balance of power; societal forces and external actors; political, social and cultural context; characteristics of the constitution; and constitutional tradition. Supply-side factors addressed are the procedural and informal institutional elements, including the role of veto powers; informational constraints; and the content of the proposed amendments themselves. This dissertation contributes to the expanding literature on authoritarian constitutions and amendment-making processes and breaks new ground by systematically comparing the experience of Chile and Turkey, as key actors attempted to gradually amend their military-imposed constitutions. The different outcomes in these two cases, this study argues, were shaped by variations in historical context, the balance of power, the number of veto players, and different incentives for reform, i.e., the reassertion of democratic practices in Chile and a reactive response to political and constitutional crises in Turkey.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / This study looked at socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland, an independent state with a fully autonomous government that falls under the Monarch who is Head of State. Swaziland maintains strong economic and trading links with South Africa and also maintains such ties with other states, especially in the Southern African Development Community region. Up untill 1973, the country's constitution was Westminister based. This was evoked and replaced with a system designed to facilitate the practice of both western and traditional styles of government. This system incorporated the system known as Tinkhundla and provides for the people to elect candidates to be their parliamentary representatives for specific constituencies. / South Africa

AFRIKAANS: In Suid-Afrika het 'n onderhandelde oorgang na demokrasie van 1992 af tot 1996 voorgekom waartydens twee grondwette deur die betrokke politieke partye onderhandel is. Die eerste bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon word dat die Suid¬-Afrikaanse voorbeeld van die onderhandelde oorgang die siening in die literatuur ondersteun dat politieke partye 'n belangrike rol in die uitvoering van oorgangstake kan vervul indien hul oor die vermoë beskik. Die hoof vakkundige probleem wat in die studie gestel is, is of die grondwetlike onderhandelingsprosesse daarop dui of daar 'n noodwendige verhouding is tussen die verwesenliking van 'n party se standpunte in 'n grondwet, en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. 'n Analise van die standpunte van die drie grootste partye in vergelyking met die onderhandelingsresultate het getoon dat daar wel 'n verhouding bestaan tussen die verwesenliking van die hoeveelheid standpunte in 'n grondwet en die politieke mag waaroor 'n party beskik. Waar die twee hoofpartye (die ANC en die NP) ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet in 'n relatiewe magsewewig tot mekaar was, is 'n kompromie tussen die NP se hoofdoelwit van magsdeling en die ANC se hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering basies getref deurdat kernaspekte van beide hierdie hoofdoelwitte verwesenlik is. Met die 1996-Grondwet, waar die ANC oor die groter politieke mag beskik het, is die grondwetlike resultaat nader aan die hoofdoelwit van meerderheidsregering as aan magsdeling. Die IVP het aan beide onderhandelingsprosesse onttrek, maar sodoende is die invloed van die magsbalans tussen die partye op die grondwetlike resultaat nie ontduik nie. Die rede is dat dié party nie daarin geslaag het om die oorhoofse beleidsdoelwit van 'n opvallende federale bedeling wat baie gedesentraliseerd is te realiseer nie. 'n Verdere bydrae in die studie is dat aangetoon is hoe suksesvol partye tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms in Suid-Afrika bygedra het. In hierdie verband is 'n oorhoofse onderhandelingsingesteldheid met behulp van 'n raamwerk geïdentifiseer wat elke party met onderhandelinge gevolg het. 'n Party dra hiervolgens suksesvol tot die bereiking van 'n demokratiese ooreenkoms by deur 'n basiese balans te handhaaf tussen 'n samewerkende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur die onderhandelingsverhouding bevorder word) en 'n handhawende onderhandelingsingesteldheid (waardeur ondersteuners se belange bevorder word). Die ANC het ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet min of meer sodanige balans gehandhaaf ('n effens meer samewerkende as handhawende ingesteldheid), terwyl die klem van die Party na die verwesenliking van die belange van ondersteuners verskuif het ('n meestal handhawende ingesteldheid) met die onderhandeling van die 1996¬Grondwet. Die NP het ook ten opsigte van die 1993-Grondwet sodanige basiese balans gehandhaaf (effens meer handhawend as samewerkend), terwyl 'n ingesteldheid van meer samewerkend as handhawend ten opsigte van die daarstelling van die 1996-Grondwet openbaar is. Die IVP se onderhandelingstyl van vermyding, deurdat aan beide grondwetskrywende prosesse onttrek is, het beteken dat die Party nie 'n bewussyn openbaar het dat dit noodsaaklik is om ook toegewings te doen ten einde 'n wedersyds aanvaarbare oplossing te vind wat tot die vestiging van die demokrasie lei nie. ENGLISH: A negotiated transfer to democracy took place in South Africa from 1992 to 1996. In this period two constitutions were negotiated by the political parties concerned. The study shows, as a first contribution, that the South African example of the negotiated transfer supports the view in the literature that political parties can play an important role in the execution of tasks related to a transition, if they have the necessary capability. The main problem stated in the study is whether an analysis of the constitutional negotiation processes will show whether an inevitable relation exists between the realisation of the standpoints of a party in a constitution, and the political power of such a party. The standpoints of the three major parties compared with the negotiation results showed that there was indeed such a relation (between the realisation of the number of standpoints in a constitution and the political power of a party). The two major parties (the ANC and the NP) were in a relative balance of power with the negotiation of the 1993 Constitution, and a compromise was therefore reached between the NP's general policy goal of power sharing and the ANC's general policy goal of majority government. Core aspects of both these policy goals were realised. The ANC had the greater political power with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution and the negotiation result was therefore closer to the policy goal of majority government than to power sharing. The IFP withdrew from both negotiation processes, but did not escape the influence of the balance of power between the parties so doing, because the general policy goal (of a strongly federal, decentralised system) were not achieved. The study further shows to what extent parties contributed successfully to the democratic agreement in South Africa. In this regard, a negotiation disposition that each party followed in negotiations was identified by means of a framework. A party contributes successfully to the realisation of a democratic agreement by achieving a basic balance between a cooperative disposition (through which the negotiation agreement is promoted) and an assertive disposition (through which the interests of supporters are promoted). The ANC managed to achieve such a basic balance regarding the 1993 Constitution (a disposition of being slightly more cooperative than assertive was identified), while the focus shifted to the realisation of the interests of supporters (a mostly assertive disposition) with the negotiation of the 1996 Constitution. The NP also achieved such a basic balance in regard to the 1993 Constitution (slightly more assertive than cooperative), while a disposition of more cooperative than assertive was shown in the realisation of the 1996 Constitution. The IFP's negotiation style of avoidance (in withdrawing from both constitution writing processes), meant that it did not reveal the consciousness that it is also necessary to make concessions in order to find a mutually acceptable solution that would lead to the establishment of democracy. / Thesis (PhD (Political Science))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Thesis "Does the change of the substantive requisites of the democratic, law-abiding State is really impermissible or unimaginable?" aims to answer the question if it is not really acceptable to change or modify the substantive requisites of the democratic, law-abiding State or their understanding. The main outcome of the work should be practical reflection of these issues. Paper is divided into seven parts. The first part defines the democratic, law-abiding (rule of law) State, Second part deals with the threats to the democratic, law-abiding (rule of law) State - these are the people (populous), elite and international community. Next part deals with the opposite - the system of protection. Fourth part presents comparison of approaches to the question of constitutional amendments and its limitations on examples of several states. Parts five and six are based on the approach of the Czech Constitutional Court to the change or modification of the substantive provisions of the democratic, law- abiding State and their understanding, from both, national and international perspective. The last section is based on past previous sections and tries to answer a title question in a practical and abstract ways; therefore this part is the highlight of the work.

O presente estudo analisa a reforma administrativa elaborada e proposta pelo governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) em seu primeiro mandato (1995-1998). Para tanto, o trabalho analisou, especialmente, os argumentos da literatura a respeito da participação dos governadores estaduais no processo da reforma. A pesquisa se baseou principalmente em dados coletados sobre a votação nominal da reforma administrativa do governo FHC na Câmara de Deputados em 1997 e em informações coletadas a respeito do apoio dos governadores estaduais à reforma. A conclusão do estudo é de que, de um lado, o apoio ativo dos governadores estaduais à reforma não pode ser explicado apenas pela situação fiscal e financeira dos estados e, de outro lado, que a participação efetiva dos governadores estaduais na votação somente pode ser entendida através da mediação dos partidos políticos. / The present study analyze the administrative reform elaborated and proposed by the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), during his first term (1995-1998). In this way, it presents a review of the literature arguments, especially, about the state governors influence in the reform outcomes. The resarch was based on data about nominal voting at the House of Representantives in 1997 and on collected information about state governors support to this reform. The conclusion of the study is, in one hand, that active state governors support can\'t be explicated only by fiscal and financial situation of the states and, on the other hand, that efective participation of state governors on voting only can be understood through the mediation of political parties.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).

O presente estudo analisa a reforma administrativa elaborada e proposta pelo governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) em seu primeiro mandato (1995-1998). Para tanto, o trabalho analisou, especialmente, os argumentos da literatura a respeito da participação dos governadores estaduais no processo da reforma. A pesquisa se baseou principalmente em dados coletados sobre a votação nominal da reforma administrativa do governo FHC na Câmara de Deputados em 1997 e em informações coletadas a respeito do apoio dos governadores estaduais à reforma. A conclusão do estudo é de que, de um lado, o apoio ativo dos governadores estaduais à reforma não pode ser explicado apenas pela situação fiscal e financeira dos estados e, de outro lado, que a participação efetiva dos governadores estaduais na votação somente pode ser entendida através da mediação dos partidos políticos. / The present study analyze the administrative reform elaborated and proposed by the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), during his first term (1995-1998). In this way, it presents a review of the literature arguments, especially, about the state governors influence in the reform outcomes. The resarch was based on data about nominal voting at the House of Representantives in 1997 and on collected information about state governors support to this reform. The conclusion of the study is, in one hand, that active state governors support can\'t be explicated only by fiscal and financial situation of the states and, on the other hand, that efective participation of state governors on voting only can be understood through the mediation of political parties.

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This paper presents a study of the Twenty·-Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America. The Amendment was first proposed to Congress as Senate and House Joint Resolutions in February 1965. It became law in February 1967, when Nevada secured the distinction of being the 38th state to ratify it, thus fulfilling the required agreement by three·-fourths of the states. The Amendment has not yet been tested. It is the first comprehensive legislative attempt to solve three related problems that have plagued the executive branch of our government since the earliest days of the Union.

Americans express support for “the environment” with environmental support cutting across political and demographic differences and cleavages. In the past 15 years, however, period effects, political sorting, and the emergence of a powerful anti-environmental movement have lessened the generalized levels of environmental support. Using the 2012 CCES survey, the expressed attitudes regarding multiple environmental issues found significant differences in levels of environmental support nationally by party, Tea Party attitudes, ideology, and certain demographic characteristics. For Floridians, the differences between the most pro-environmental respondents and the most anti-environmental are narrower; partisan identification itself is not significant in environmental attitudes; but ideology, Tea party support, and to a lesser degree, gender and race are associated in explaining variances in environmental attitudes. Voting decision behavior previously observed only for certain environmental issues appears to be influenced by multiple environmental positions. The significance of age on environmental attitudes remains perplexing with evidence for both younger and older respondents' support for environmentalism, as compared to the support expressed by persons aged 40-59. Support and opposition for a specific Florida constitutional ballot proposition on environmental land conservative acquisition reflect partisan and gender divides, and the impact of attitudes regarding an unpopular elected national official. Environmentalism appears to be further evidence of the “Big Sort” in American politics, increasingly likely to be used as an interparty wedge issue and for intraparty base mobilizations. The need for further research and the implications for environmental activists conclude this thesis.