Contentious issues of necessary defence in judicial practise Abstract The subject of this thesis is necessary defence, or more precisely some of its contentious issues that have been dealt with by Czech courts within the framework of their judicial practise. The fundamental focus of the thesis lies with the judicial decisions providing solutions to these issues, emphasis, on the other hand, is not placed on doctrinal concept of the legal institute. The thesis subjects some of the judicial decisions to evaluation and comparison with other judgments. As for the structure, the thesis is divided into a total of seven chapters with regard to the elements of necessary defence that are primarily related to the issues dealt with by the judicial practice in each particular case. The first chapter presents a brief general outline of the topic, as it pursues, above all, the function of the legal institute of necessary defence, the way how it is established within the Czech law and the character of the relevant provision of the penal code. Chapter two deals with integral prerequisites or structural elements of necessary defence, specifically attacker and defender subjects, as well as attack itself. It ponders about whether someone who is not primarily targeted by an attack can be deemed a defender. The same question is...

Les critères de répartition des compétences contentieuses sont, primairement, autant d’outils découverts et utilisés par le Tribunal des conflits pour réaliser et optimiser son office. Ceci dit, ils représentent par leur nombre et leur diversité d’objets une difficulté tangible pour le juriste et le justiciable qui, au commencement de tout contentieux, se doivent de déterminer nécessairement l’ordre de juridiction apte à connaître du litige. Appréhender et comprendre la répartition des compétences suppose donc d’élucider les réelles fonctions à attribuer à ces critères et, plus largement, de théoriser la méthode et le raisonnement tenu par le juge répartiteur à leur égard. Aussi, l’étude croisée des différents outils de compétences révèle-t-elle que penser les critères de répartition comme des transcriptions de rapports de droit public ou de rapports de droit privé revient à pouvoir conceptualiser la répartition des compétences en termes de relations. C’est en effet au regard du lien obligationnel à la base du litige que le qualificateur en arrive à déterminer la nature juridique tant de l’un que de l’autre et en déduit ainsi, suivant une corrélation désignée, le juge compétent pour en connaître. Mieux encore, c’est en asseyant par cette vision chaque individu au litige à la place qui est la sienne, et ce en correspondance du contexte qui entoure le pourquoi de sa connaissance de l’autre, que s’effectuent l’identification de la situation dialogique mis en cause et celle des potentielles spécificités qui la caractérisent. Il s’en désigne alors presque automatiquement le cheminement déductif vers un critère de répartition en particulier, lequel constitue d’ailleurs aussi bien l’aboutissement que l’explication de ce raisonnement. / Primary, the criteria for distributing litigation competences are as many tools found and used by the Tribunal of Conflicts to achieve its office. Further, due to their amount and the diversity of their purposes they stand for a concrete difficulty for both the lawyer and the litigant as they must necessarily determine the competent jurisdiction – judiciary or administrative – from the beginning of the litigation. It is then compulsory to seize and understand first how they are distributed. Once this classification completed, their real functions can be found out, leading us at last to theorize the method and reasoning of the Tribunal when the latter uses them.By consequence, the cross study of these different tools brings to light “public law links” and “private law links”, so that the competences distribution can be thought more broadly as a web of links. Everything works here as a chain reaction: from the obligational link at the base of the litigation, the link as well as the litigation can be qualified and then, the competent jurisdiction for ruling can be designated. The domino effect works also the other way, because the process gives each party the place he or she deserves depending on the context and their dialogic situation with all its specificities at the same time, underlining the deductive path followed by the Tribunal of Conflicts to opt for the criterion. Finally, the criterion for distributing litigation skills is the Alpha and the Omega of the Tribunal of Conflicts’ reasoning.

The rapid expansion of oil palm plantations throughout Indonesia has resulted in a range of environmental and social consequences, including dispossessing rural people of their land. But these people are not accepting the infringements passively. As oil palm plantations have expanded and spread, so have instances of oil palm-related protest and resistance. In almost all accounts of oil palm, however, women and gender relations are overlooked. This thesis examines the role of women and gender relations in oil palm expansion and resistance in Indonesia today. Using a combination of secondary literature (specifically, the fields of agrarian political economy, feminist political ecology and contentious politics) and primary data, this thesis provides both a new case study and a new way - through the lens of gender - of understanding oil palm expansion and resistance in Indonesia. At the heart of this research study are the voices, opinions and experiences of 42 women who participated in one protest against dispossession in Sambas district, Indonesia. Emphasizing the role of these women in their households, communities and in this protest, as well as the gender relations that shape and are shaped by the women’s participation at all of these levels, this study offers new analysis of who is impacted by oil palm expansion, who resists it and in what ways. The Sambas case study demonstrates how gender relations shape all stages and facets of a protest, from womenʼs decisions to participate in protest (by informing their motivations and political opportunities) to womenʼs protest activities and how women experience protest outcomes. It also reveals how at all stages of mobilization, gender relations are not fixed. Rather, gender relations themselves may also be shaped by and through womenʼs participation in protest. This study has far-reaching implications not only for the future of oil palm expansion and resistance, but on women’s participation in protest, in politics in general and on gender relations.

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

Submitted by José sobreiro filho (sobreirounesp@gmail.com) on 2016-09-20T16:55:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_SOBREIRO_190916.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-20T18:42:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sobreirofilho_j_dr_prud.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T18:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sobreirofilho_j_dr_prud.pdf: 14156754 bytes, checksum: 42d2893bd28b01c852ada1a0c64f2158 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Neste trabalho, apresentamos um conjunto de reflexões cujo objetivo é de contribuir para a construção de uma teoria geográfica sobre movimentos socioespaciais e contentious politics. Assim, partimos dos principais conceitos geográficos (espaço, território, rede, lugar e escala) e das reflexões sobre movimentos socioespaciais e socioterritoriais, contentious politics, socio-spatial posicionality, convergence space e terrains of resistance, bem como da teoria da produção do espaço, para apresentar um modelo explicativo eminentemente geográfico. Tempo e espaço apresentam-se indissociáveis desde o remontar histórico dos conflitos até a própria análise dos conflitos contemporâneos. Por fim, o desfecho deste trabalho tem a nossa contribuição teórica, denominada por lógica-racionalidade espaço-temporal, lastreada na análise movimentos socioespaciais e casos de contentious politics no Brasil e Argentina. / In this thesis, we present a set of reflections whose objective is to contribute to the construction of a geographical theory of socio-spatial movements and contentious politics. Hence we set out and use the key geographical concepts (space, territory, network, place and scale) and reflections on socio-spatial and socio-territorial movements, contentious politics, socio-spatial positionality, convergence space and terrains of resistance, as well as the theory of production of space to present an eminently geographic explanatory model. Time and space are presented as inseparable from the history of the conflict as well in the analysis of contemporary conflicts. Finally, the outcome of this work is our theoretical contribution, called spatial-time logic-rationality, based in the analysis of the socio-spatial movements and cases of contentious politics in Brazil and Argentina. / FAPESP: 2013/22180-0

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

In this interview, the interlocutor examines the contentious-administrative process, answering questions related to its historical origin, the changes it has experimented and the impact that generates its use in the reality. Furthermore, the interlocutor analyzes specific questions, such as the referred to the problematic of the precautionary measures, whether the contentious-administrative process is an equally satisfactory route in comparison with the amparo process, and the measures that Judicial Power is entitled to impose to the Administration. / En la presente entrevista, el interlocutor examina el proceso contencioso administrativo, respondiendo a cuestiones relativas a sus orígenes históricos, los cambios que ha sufrido y el impacto que genera su utilización en la práctica. Asimismo, el interlocutor analiza cuestiones más específicas, como las referidas a la problemática de las medidas cautelares, si el proceso contencioso administrativo es una vía igualmente satisfactoria respecto del amparo, y las medidas que puede imponer el Poder Judicial a la Administración.

Esta dissertação se insere nos estudos sobre os resultados políticos da execução conjunta de políticas públicas entre Estado e movimentos sociais. Busca compreender como as organizações sociais de abrangência nacional têm executado a produção habitacional autogestionária permitida pelo Programa Crédito Solidário. Parte da hipótese de que a execução do Programa estaria mudando o modo de ação dos movimentos na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (RMPA), pois os movimentos estariam abandonando o confronto político e substituindo-o pela cooperação com o Estado, o que indicaria uma tendência à institucionalização. Nossa questão central, portanto, seria: como os movimentos sociais incorporaram a política pública que reivindicaram? No entanto, a pergunta que estrutura o trabalho foi construída no âmbito do confronto político: no que consistem os repertórios de ação dos movimentos para por em prática a execução do Programa na RMPA? Seu desenvolvimento fundamenta-se no estudo de três casos de produção habitacional ligados aos movimentos que reivindicaram a política em nível nacional e, ao mesmo tempo, empreenderam na RMPA. Os movimentos em questão são: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM). / This dissertation inserts itself into the body of studies about the political results of the joint implementation of public policies by the State and social movements. It seeks to understand how social organizations of national scope have been implementing self-managed housing production as allowed by the Programa Crédito Solidário. It starts from the hypothesis that the implementation of the Program would be changing the mode of action of movements from the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre (MRPA), as movements would be abandoning political confrontation and substituting it for cooperation with the state, what could indicate a trend towards institutionalization. Our central question, then, would be: how do social movements incorporate the public policy they demanded? However, the question that structures this work was built within the scope of contentious politics theory: what are the action repertoires of movements for putting in practice the implementation of the Program in MRPA consisted of? Its development is based on the study of three cases of housing production linked to the movements that demanded a national level policy and at the same time acted in the MRPA. The movements in question are: Central dos movimentos Populares (CMP), Confederação Nacional de Associações de Moradores (CONAM) e Movimento Nacional de Luta pela Moradia (MNLM).

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-13T12:05:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho é uma investigação que tem como objeto de análise um fenômeno recente na realidade social brasileira: as manifestações de junho de 2013. Este estudo se envereda por uma análise conjuntural das causas e efeitos do confronto político ocorrido no Brasil em junho de 2013. Identifica-se os principais atores envolvidos durante as manifestações e o confronto proveniente entre elementos da sociedade civil e sistema político. Salientamos que para a análise de tal fenômeno recorremos à vasta literatura responsável pelo tema da ação coletiva e dos movimentos sociais. Compreende-se que as causas de junho de 2013 estão inseridas em um contexto de indignação coletiva que envolveram movimentos sociais, atores políticos, mídia e pessoas comuns. Com efeito, os protestos revelaram formas de ativismo com inúmeras práticas que estão inseridas em uma ideologia de grupo, numa identidade fixa ou passageira, em um contexto estrutural ou histórico, como também em formas de contestação pública, onde o confronto político está culturalmente inscrito e é socialmente comunicado. Assim, de acordo com este estudo, interpretar junho de 2013 representa um exercício teórico e incansável de entender quais os sentidos do ativismo social e da ação coletiva na contemporaneidade e as consequências que tais manifestações geraram na sociedade e na agenda política brasileira. / This work is an investigation that has as its object of analysis a recent phenomenon in the Brazilian social reality: the manifestations of June 2013. This study is appealing to a situational analysis of the causes and effects of political confrontation occurred in Brazil in June 2013. Identifies the main actors involved during the demonstrations and the coming confrontation between elements of civil society and political system. We emphasize that for the analysis of this phenomenon we used the vast literature responsible for the issue of collective action and social movements. It is understood that the causes of June 2013 are inserted in a context of collective outrage involving social movements, political actors, media and ordinary people. Indeed, the protests have revealed forms of activism with numerous practices that are embedded in a group ideology, a fixed or temporary identity in a structural or historical context, as well as in public protest forms, where the political confrontation is culturally inscribed and socially statement. Thus, according to this study, interpret June 2013 is a theoretical and tireless exercise to understand which way social activism and collective action in contemporary society and the consequences that these events have generated in society and the Brazilian political agenda.

L’appel devant l’ordre des juridictions administratives françaises a connu une évolution majeure à compter du 1er janvier 1989 du fait de sa dévolution principale à de nouvelles juridictions, les cours administratives d’appel. La thèse vise à évaluer le succès de cette réforme une vingtaine d’années après et à s’interroger sur les évolutions qu’elle a pu induire concernant le régime de l’appel. Ces questions se sont en outre renouvelées du fait de la problématique de l’encombrement des cours à compter de la fin des années 1990. La gestion des flux contentieux a une influence importante sur les évolutions récentes de l’appel. Le sujet amène à réfléchir au rôle de l’appel et à sa place au sein du contentieux administratif. Une comparaison avec la procédure civile permet d’en dégager les caractéristiques propres. L’appel en contentieux administratif apparaît comme l’expression du double degré de juridiction. Il en est l’expression des limites qui lui ont été apportées pour faire face à l’encombrement. Il en est l’expression des limites qu’il induit quant aux deux fonctions du juge d’appel, la fonction de contrôle de la régularité des jugements au travers de l’évocation et la fonction de réformation au travers de l’effet dévolutif / The appeal procedures before the administrative dispute courts has radically evolved since the 1st of January 1989, date of the creation of a new jurisdiction: the administrative appeal courts. The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the success of this judicial reform twenty years after its beginning and to reflect upon the evolution of the appeal in administrative disputes. Furthermore, at the end of the 90’s, the congestion of the administrative appeal courts renewed the issues related to the organisation of administrative courts: the management of the congestion of the administrative courts influencing significantly the recent evolution of the appeal procedures. This subject calls us to reflect on the place and role in the administrative dispute matter of the appeal procedure. A comparison with the civil procedure will help to identify its very own characteristics. The appeal in administrative procedure appears as an emanation of the right to a second hearing, yet it has been shaped as well by the problem of the congestion of the appeal jurisdictions. Finally, this procedure is the expression of the limits inferred to both functions of the judge of appeal: the control of the regularity of decisions and the role of reformation through the devolution effect leading to the thorough reexamination of the case