1900-talets början var en tid med olika arbetsmarknadskonflikter. Det förekom strejker, demonstrationer, kravaller och agitationsmöten. Dessa konflikter utspelade sig i ett samhälle där arbetarrörelsen började organisera sig alltmer i fackföreningar och i arbetarkommuner för att få politiskt inflytande och inflytande över sin arbetssituation. Det gjorde att arbetarrörelsen hamnade i sociala konfrontationer med omgivning, myndigheter och arbetsgivare. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kopplingen mellan klassformering i ett identitetsperspektiv och framväxten av konfliktrepertoarer i det tidiga 1900-talets fackliga organisationssträvanden. Frågeställningarna utgår från att identifiera konfliktrepertoarer i sociala konfrontationer och vilka av dessa som används för att skapa klassamhörighet i olika sociala, fackliga och politiska sammanhang. För att studera sociala konfrontationer, konfliktrepertoarer och identitetsskapande inom arbetarrörelsen har källmaterial efter fackföreningar vid Bergslagernas järnvägar i Åmål använts. Uppsatsen är ett bidrag till arbetarhistoria och källmaterialet undersöks utifrån teorin i forskningsfältet Contentious Politics Studies. Uppsatsen har även en ikonografisk ansats eftersom källmaterialet innehåller visuella uttryck. I undersökningen har fyra olika sociala konfrontationer identifierats. Dessa är: Agitation och politisk mobilisering 1908 - 1911, Oskar Lundströms avskedande 1909, Lokmannastrejken 1919 och Den stora järnvägsstrejken 1922. Ett antal konfliktrepertoarer identifieras och uppsatsens resultat är att konfliktrepertoarerna utvecklas och förfinas över tid. Kraven blir mer tydligt formulerade och handlingar tillsammans med visuell kultur stärker den politiska identiteten. Konfliktrepertoarer, handlingar och identiteter blir därigenom meningsskapande i klassformeringen. / The beginning of the 20th century was a time of various labor market conflicts. There were strikes, demonstrations, riots and agitation meetings. These conflicts took place in a society where the labor movement began to organize itself in trade unions in order to gain political influence and influence over their work situation. As a result, the labor movement ended up in confrontations with the environment, authorities and employers. The main purpose of the essay is to investigate the connection between class affiliation in an identity perspective and the emergence of contentious repertoires in the early 20th century trade union organizational efforts. The essay is based on theories of Contentious Politics Studies. The investigated material is archives of trade unions at Bergslagernas railways in Åmål. Four different contentious politics have been identified. These are: 1. Agitation and political mobilization 1908 - 1911, 2. Oskar Lundström's dismissal 1909, 2. The engine driver strike in 1919 and 4. The great railway strike in 1922. The result of the essay is that the contentious repertoires are developed and refined over time. The claim making are more clearly formulated and contentious performances together with visual culture strengthen the political identity. Contentious repertoires, contentious performances and political identities thereby create meaning in class affiliation.

What explains the dynamics of contentious collective political action in post-Soviet Central Asia? How do post-Soviet Central Asian citizens negotiate the tensions between partaking in and abstaining from elite-challenging collective protests? By analysing cross-national attitudes in two Central Asian states, this article (1) systematically analyses the variation in collective protests by testing rival macro-, meso-, and micro-level theories; (2) reintroduces a conceptual and empirical distinction between low-risk and high-risk collective protests; and (3) examines the conditions under which individuals participate in two distinct types of elite-challenging collective actions. Three conclusions are reached. First, the evidence suggests that nuanced consideration of multi-level theoretical perspectives is necessary to explain contingencies of elite-challenging actions. Second, economic grievances and resource mobilization emerge as leading factors driving both low-risk and high-risk protests. Third, Islamic religiosity and social networking robustly predict participation in high-risk collective action.

In 2019, protests rippled across six continents affecting democracies and autocracies alike with such fervor that journalists repeatedly declared it the year of the street protest. Despite globalization and mobile technologies, contentious politics largely continue to take shape through the performances, narratives, and materialities of the street. That is, contentious politics take on particular place characteristics and thus must be studied in diverse places. This dissertation examines the contentious politics of Germany, a western democracy with a convoluted political history and memory culture. With its cautionary tale of the Nazi movement turned regime, Germany provides an especially valuable context within which to study social memory’s relationship with contentious politics. Based on ten months of fieldwork in Dresden, Berlin, and Munich, this dissertation demonstrates how contentious political actors engage in memory politics and perform, narrate, and employ the materialities of place to (re)mediate multiscalar memories. Inspired by Charles Tilly’s repertoires of contention, the stock of performances and tactics available to contentious political actors, the dissertation examines the role of place memories in present-day contentious politics through corporeal, spatial, and representational repertoires. Corporeal repertoires refer to repeat performances in which meaning making is achieved through the protesting body. As captivating as its visuality may be, it is often the protesting body’s aurality that first signals its presence to passersby. Music, from spontaneous to studio creations, are core to protest soundscapes and the efforts of contentious political actors to reconstruct place. Illustrated through original and appropriated songs, protesting bodies can wield music’s tripartite of meaning making—musical composition, lyrical content, and performance context—to build solidarity, recall a social memory, move bodies to desired political actions, or reimagine geographies. Spatial repertoires shift from the protesting body’s corporeality to its meaning making through mobility in urban space. Protesting bodies, as remembering bodies, occupy or weave together memory places to create new spatial narratives and in turn to (re)construct urban memoryscapes. As placelings, protesters mediate the connections between memory and place and engage in memory work for themselves, for the cities they envision, and/or for a larger imagined community. As exemplified through a historical spatial analysis of Munich digitally mapping 170 years of protest actions (1848–2019), certain places within a given locality become centers of contentious political action because of the deep histories they signify. Shifting from the visible protester to the concealed street artist, representational repertoires refer to meaning making through visual media intimately engaged with the materiality of place. Street art sometimes interacts with institutional memory sites (memory site interactant), but more often floats freely in the larger urban memoryscape thereby transforming liminal spaces into memory places (floating mnemonic actant). Already acknowledged for its placemaking capacity, street art’s mnemonic capacity to push, pull, and play with place memories is demonstrated through various examples commemorating anniversaries, drawing historical analogies, time-shifting historical figures, returning to “better” times, and crafting nascent memories. Evidenced by these chapters, German contentious politics, whether working for a cause or for a political identity, are steeped in social memories and rooted in the meaning making of place. Understood within the wider context of the present democratic crisis, I argue that social memory has become unmoored from the historical past and increasingly mythic in character, especially on the right. Just as democracy suffers from post-truthism and tribalism, so too does social memory. In fact, the memory problem may very well be exacerbating the democratic one. The presence of this problem in Germany, a nation so praised for its memory culture and handling of its dark past, casts great doubt on what constitutes a healthy memory culture. To restore the health of liberal democracies, societies must revisit their relationship to the past. / Media & Communication

Twentieth century has seen a significant number of social changes, taking in different forms of revolution, revolts and protests. Nevertheless, as the world stabilized with the termination of Cold War, contention also seemed to have died down. Dominating theories concluded with generalizations that contentions are inevitable process of social change; it comes and goes. South Korea, on the other hand, remains an anomaly due to contentious actors’ persisting influence in the society. In reality, contention does not exist in isolation from the society, but arises from the very soil of it. South Korea actors, the institutions and parties reflecting contentious identity attests its protracted existence beyond the contentious episodes. I argue that contentious politics is not an isolated event that belongs in the transitionary period, but is capable of creating a continuously interacting variable in the society. Thus, in the case of South Korea and its protracted democratization, contention needs to be understood as an organic product of South Korean history that continues to influence the contentious identity to fulfill their self-perceived historical duty of achieving a legitimate government. / 2023-12-30

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Il est fondamental, dans chaque système juridique, de pouvoir contester une décision prise par l'administration notamment dans un pays où celle-ci est omniprésente dans tous les domaines de la société. Dans la plupart des pays, cette contestation prend la forme d'un recours gracieux ou d'un recours juridictionnel. Jusqu'en 1996 au Vietnam, il existe seulement le recours gracieux devant l'Administration mais ce recours s'est révélé inefficace. Dès lors, l’ordonnance de 1996, suivi de deux amendements ont instauré pour la première fois le recours juridictionnel. Néanmoins, la compétence de la juridiction administrative demeure très restreinte, l’Administration conserve la compétence générale dans le règlement des conflits avec les administrés. Ainsi, le droit d'accès au juge n'est pas assuré car la plupart des requêtes introductives d’instance est rejetée faute de compétence du juge. Une récente loi en 2010 est de nouveau intervenu pour élargir la compétence de la juridiction administrative. Malgré la volonté du législateur, les nouvelles dispositions ne répondent pas encore à l'exigence de plus en plus forte de la société vietnamienne pour examiner des recours contre l’Administration devant un organe indépendant. Il est urgent de trouver un mécanisme qui permet d’assurer le droit d'accès au juge. Cette thèse aborde les problématiques relatives à l'introduction d'instance de premier ressort devant la juridiction administrative vietnamienne ; et à la lumière du droit français, elle apporte des propositions d’amélioration de la législation vietnamienne en la matière. / Contesting an administrative act is a fundamental right in every legal system. In Vietnam, it is possible to make an appeal for reconsideration but this process is not effective. Thus, in 1996, the Vietnamese legislator established, for the first time, a jurisdictional appeal. However, this appeal was very limited thereby rendering ineffective the right of access to administrative justice. The amendments of contentious rules in 1998 and 2006, and more recently the law on administrative procedures in 2010 (taken into effect as of 1st of July 2011) were issued with the aim of expanding the competence of administrative jurisdiction. Indeed, in the absence of the satisfaction of rules regarding competence and admissibility, the petition instituting proceedings can be rejected by the administrative judge. The right of access to justice is additionally prevented par gaps in the law on administrative procedures or the strict interpretations of the judge. Furthermore, the overlapping of rules may influence the rights of citizens. Although there are many administrative disputes, the new dispositions don’t meet the needs of Vietnamese society. This thesis addresses the issues regarding the registration of administrative lawsuits of Vietnam to give a vision to improve the law on administrative procedure in the light of the achievements of the French law.

This dissertation uses a relational approach and a contentious politics framework to examine the archaeological record. Methodologically, it merges spatial and social network analyses to promote a geosocial archaeology. Combined, the articles create a counter-narrative that highlights how environmentally focused investigations fail to explain how and why societies in the Southwest often reorganize horizontally. The first article uses geosocial networks, which I argue represent memory maps, to reveal that the socially important, and sophisticated, act of forgetting was employed by people in the Gallina region during A.D. 1100 - 1300. A concomitant community level, settlement pattern analysis demonstrates similarities between the arrangement of Gallina and Basketmaker-era settlements. These historically situated settlement structures, combined with acts of forgetting, were used by Gallina region residents to institute and maintain a horizontally organized social movement that was likely aimed at rejecting the hierarchical social atmosphere in the Four Corners region. The second article proposes that as ideologically charged material goods are consumed, fissures within past ideological landscapes are revealed and that these fissures can demonstrate acts of resistance in the archaeological past. It also contends that social and environmental variables need to be combined for these conflicting religious and political practices to be correctly interpreted. The third article applies many of the ideas outlined in the second article to a case study in the Greater Southwest during A.D. 1200 - 1450. Fractures in the ideological landscape demonstrate that the Salado Phenomenon was a religious social movement formed around, and successful because of, its populist nature. Based on variations in how the Salado ideology interacted with contemporaneous hierarchical and non-hierarchical religious and political organizations it is probable that the Salado social movement formed around desires for the open access to religious knowledge.

This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.

Faced with the profound social and ecological threats posed by extractivist projects such as large hydroelectric dams, wind farms, and mining operations, many indigenous communities and their allies in Mexico have articulated new forms of contentious politics into a broad territorial defense movement. This project explores the strategies of contention practiced by an anti-mining movement based in the Municipality of San José del Progreso in the southern state of Oaxaca. As a deeply-divided community that has suffered increased violence and conflict directly related to a Canadian-owned gold and silver mine operating in its vicinity, it presents a valuable case study in how strong social movements can still develop under conditions of disunity. This study combines ethnographic and archival research methods to uncover the deep historical roots of community division, and to develop a close analysis of the contentious strategies employed by the anti-mining movement. The historical record and local narratives show the central role that hacienda colonialism played in creating a salient geography of ethnic discrimination and division in the municipality whose effects can still be seen today. In response to the ongoing processes of colonization and dispossession in San José del Progreso, a legacy of contention has defined and defended both campesino (peasant farmer) and indigenous claims to local territory. More than a series of instrumental strategies designed to expel the hacienda and later mine project, this politics of contention operates as a form of social memory to produce a hybrid form of indigenous/campesino identity linked to healthy land stewardship, an interconnectedness between the earth and human subjects, and a shared history of struggle. As a result, the anti-mining movement in San José del Progreso has shown success in converting its troubled past and checkered present into the foundations of a healthy social and ecological commons, independent of its failure to fully-unite the municipality or close down the mine project in the short-run. / text

How do authoritarian stales foster civil society growth while keeping unruly organizations in line? This governance dilemma dogs every state that attempts to modernize by permitting civil society to pluralize while minding its potential to stir up restive social forces. This dissertation's main finding is that the Chinese party state the world's largest and arguably the most resilient authoritarian regime-has engineered a flexible institution of state control in which the "rules of the game" arc created, disseminated, and enforced outside of institutionalized channels. This dissertation demonstrates how the coercive apparatus improvises in an erratic manner, unfettered by accountability mechanisms. The regime does not necessarily pull the levers of hard control mechanisms-the tanks, guns, and tear gas-whenever dissenters cross a line of political acceptability. Instead, in keeping with its decentralized political system and its tradition of experimental policy-making, the Chinese state continually remakes the rules of the game which keeps potential rabble-rousers on their toes. Although the regulatory skeleton of state corporatism remains intact, flexible repression is the informal institution-the set of rules and procedures-that structures state-civil society interactions. Specifically, this institution is made up of three key practices: a) decentralization b) ad-hoc deployment c) mixed control strategies. These three practices manifest in two concrete strategies used to govern aboveground and underground civil society: fragmented coercion and controlled competition. Flexible repression enables the Chinese party-state to exploit the advantages of a flourishing third sector while curtailing its threatening potential. Through participant observation, interviews, and comparative case studies of aboveground and underground independent labor organizations, this dissertation accomplishes three goals. First, it identifies the within-country variation in state control strategies over civil society, which includes the above-ground sector as well as the underground sector of ostensibly banned organizations. Secondly, it traces the patterns of interactions between the state and civil society, generating hypotheses about the mechanisms of change. Finally, it identifies new concepts relevant for studying organized contention in authoritarian regime.. .... Overall, this dissertation contributes to the study of authoritarian state control and civil society contention, with an emphasis on the nexus between the two.