Visose Europos šalyse didėja dėmesys vaikų ankstyvajam ugdymui. Intensyviausiai formuojasi vaiko pažintiniai gebėjimai, kurie ne tik lemia tolimesnę sėkmę mokykloje, bet ir turi didelę svarbą vėlesniame gyvenimo tarpsnyje. Todėl svarbu užtikrinti vaikui tinkamą ugdymą pirmaisiais septyneriais jo gyvenimo metais. Kokybišką vaiko ugdymą savarankiškai ir aktyviai pažinti pasaulį, gali užtikrinti tik nuolatinė darželio ir šeimos sąveika, pedagogų profesionalumas, šiuolaikinėmis kompetencijomis grįstas vaikų ugdymas. Problema. Nemažai pedagogų neskiria pakankamai dėmesio visų reikiamų vaikui kompetencijų ugdymui ir kartu su šeima neieško naujų kompetencijų ugdymo galimybių. Darbo tikslas - nustatyti šeimos ir pedagogo bendradarbiavimo reikšmę, ugdant vaikų kompetencijas. Tyrimo objektas pedagogo ir šeimos bendradarbiavimas, ugdant ikimokyklinio amžiaus vaikų kompetencijas. Tyrimo įgyvendinimui buvo pasirinkta kiekybinių tyrimų metodologija. Darbo uždaviniai: ♣Aptarti vaikų kompetencijų ugdymo sampratą ir jų ugdymo sritis; ♣Atskleisti pedagogo ir šeimos bendravimo ir bendradarbiavimo tikslus, uždavinius, principus, sėkmingo bendradarbiavimo prielaidas; ♣Nustatyti ikimokyklinio amžiaus vaikų kompetencijų lygį; ♣Nustatyti ikimokyklinio ugdymo pedagogų ir šeimos bendradarbiavimo intensyvumą; ♣Nustatyti ikimokyklinio ugdymo pedagogų ir šeimos bendradarbiavimo reikšmę vaikų kompetencijų lygiui. Apibendrinant šio tyrimo rezultatus apie šeimos ir darželio bendradarbiavimo reikšmę... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In all countries of Europe there is AN increasing attention to early education of children. Cognitive skills of children are those that form most rapidly and are responsible not only for sucess at school, but also have a big influence on children‘s life later in time. Those are the reasons why it is important to make sure children get proper education in first seven years of their life. Only permanent interaction between a kindergarten and a family, pedagogical professionality and children education based on modern competencies can ensure qualitative education of a child, to get acquainted with the world actively and on his own in his first seven years of living. The main problem – some pedagogues do not give enough attention to education of all competencies essential for a child or do not search for possibilities to educate new competencies together with his family. The research aims at grounding the importance of cooperation between a pedagogue and a family theoretically and empirically while developing the main competencies of preschool-aged children: artistic, communicative, cognitive, social and health safety. Objectives of research are: ♣To review conception of competiences in children‘s cognition; ♣To show the importance of pedagogues and families work together; ♣To determine the level of competiences of pre-school children; ♣To determine the intensity of working together by pre-school teachers and families; ♣To determine the importance of working together by... [to full text]

Ad hoc social movement coalitions are made up of diverse groups that come together to maximise the use of limited resources. Once formed, they face a dilemma. Coalition logic holds that given the limited time frame and instrumental objectives of the organisation, resources should be disproportionately invested in the visible sphere of action. However, this instrumental emphasis ignores the need to invest resources in the 'submerged' sphere of membership intercommunication. As a result tensions which have their root in divergent ideologies, traditions and histories of resistance can threaten the coalition's collective identity. This thesis is about one such organisation, the No! To APEC (NTA) coalition, one of three groups that made up the movement to oppose the APEC Economic Leader's Meeting in Vancouver held in November 1997. NTA, made up of small leftwing grassroots groups, built a campaign around resistance to "imperialist globalisation." It organised community education, an international conference and a march and rally. Although it succeeded in meeting its objectives, a fracture occurred between the largest and most consolidated member group and the other unconsolidated grouping made up of individuals and representatives of small organisations. The fracture caused a disconnection between the local and the international priorities set by the organisation at its outset. In this study I examine the process that led to this outcome. In particular I identify the importance of establishing a capacity for reflexively monitoring the actions and interactions of members. While consensus is not a pre-requisite for solidarity, disputes arising from different perspectives and membership tactics may jeopardise organisational unity. Providing a limited space for evaluating conflicting validity claims and organisational dynamics may help to preserve unity during the active phase of a coalition's mobilisation. The methods used to obtain data for this study were participant observation and interviewing. I spent six months as an activist-researcher with the coalition and I interviewed activists from the three main APEC opposition groups. Although the main focus of this study is on the political and organisational evolution of the NTA coalition, I broaden the discussion to argue that ad hoc coalitions play an important role in generating 'social capital' or 'social movement connectivity.' Social solidarity generated in the course of short-term political action increases the potential for further action mobilisation in social movement networks and communities. In the final part of the thesis I review literature on globalisation and social movements. Combined with what has been learned about coalitions in the previous chapters, this exercise provides a context for examining the APEC opposition movement and, by extension, the prospects for building transnational movements and a counter-hegemonic historical bloc against imperialist globalisation.

Ad hoc social movement coalitions are made up of diverse groups that come together to maximise the use of limited resources. Once formed, they face a dilemma. Coalition logic holds that given the limited time frame and instrumental objectives of the organisation, resources should be disproportionately invested in the visible sphere of action. However, this instrumental emphasis ignores the need to invest resources in the 'submerged' sphere of membership intercommunication. As a result tensions which have their root in divergent ideologies, traditions and histories of resistance can threaten the coalition's collective identity. This thesis is about one such organisation, the No! To APEC (NTA) coalition, one of three groups that made up the movement to oppose the APEC Economic Leader's Meeting in Vancouver held in November 1997. NTA, made up of small leftwing grassroots groups, built a campaign around resistance to "imperialist globalisation." It organised community education, an international conference and a march and rally. Although it succeeded in meeting its objectives, a fracture occurred between the largest and most consolidated member group and the other unconsolidated grouping made up of individuals and representatives of small organisations. The fracture caused a disconnection between the local and the international priorities set by the organisation at its outset. In this study I examine the process that led to this outcome. In particular I identify the importance of establishing a capacity for reflexively monitoring the actions and interactions of members. While consensus is not a pre-requisite for solidarity, disputes arising from different perspectives and membership tactics may jeopardise organisational unity. Providing a limited space for evaluating conflicting validity claims and organisational dynamics may help to preserve unity during the active phase of a coalition's mobilisation. The methods used to obtain data for this study were participant observation and interviewing. I spent six months as an activist-researcher with the coalition and I interviewed activists from the three main APEC opposition groups. Although the main focus of this study is on the political and organisational evolution of the NTA coalition, I broaden the discussion to argue that ad hoc coalitions play an important role in generating 'social capital' or 'social movement connectivity.' Social solidarity generated in the course of short-term political action increases the potential for further action mobilisation in social movement networks and communities. In the final part of the thesis I review literature on globalisation and social movements. Combined with what has been learned about coalitions in the previous chapters, this exercise provides a context for examining the APEC opposition movement and, by extension, the prospects for building transnational movements and a counter-hegemonic historical bloc against imperialist globalisation. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate