The purpose of this study was to catch and record some of the early-day happenings, county history, and recent changes for the boys and girls of the area.

<p>The fact that five invasions have taken place in Great Britain, which all made a big impact on the country, makes the history of place-names particularly interesting. The aim of this essay is therefore to compare place-names in the Manchester area and the London area, and try to find the origin of the names. An additional aim is to find out which foreign invasion, if any, has coloured the areas the most.</p>

The fact that five invasions have taken place in Great Britain, which all made a big impact on the country, makes the history of place-names particularly interesting. The aim of this essay is therefore to compare place-names in the Manchester area and the London area, and try to find the origin of the names. An additional aim is to find out which foreign invasion, if any, has coloured the areas the most.

This thesis seeks to construct a history for the diocese of Lichfield during the early medieval period. The region is comparatively lacking in evidence, textual or archaeological, when compared to regions further east and south, and so provides a useful case study on which to test the applicability of narratives developed elsewhere. This study analyses what evidence there is from the region, textual (ninth-century episcopal lists, the Lichfield Chronicle, saints’ Lives), archaeological (ecclesiastical settlements, including Lichfield cathedral, and rural settlement) and topographical (distributions of settlement types, field systems and soils), and asks whether it can be interpreted with reference to two specific narratives: first, the ‘minster narrative’, in which a framework of minsters, established during the seventh and eighth centuries, provided pastoral care to the local population; and a territorial narrative based upon the ‘cultural province’, whereby a region defined topographically, usually along watersheds, persistently affected human activity within it, focussing it inwards. The study finds neither narrative entirely satisfactory: early minsters were clustered in the southern and eastern parts of the diocese, suggesting that episcopal agency was more important in ministering to the population than royal or noble minsters, which were founded for other reasons; and several different scales of territory are found to have been influential on the lives of those living in the region. A contextual interpretation is proposed, whereby nodes of habitual practice are identified throughout the landscape, by which people created and negotiated their identities at several different scales; a concept of ecclesiastical lordship is also recommended, by which the diocesan bishop’s relationships with other minsters in the diocese might be more fruitfully understood.

This study sought to determine whether there is a significant difference in the level of burn-out between general elementary music educators employed by Miami-Dade County Public Schools and general elementary music educators from the rest of Florida. Burn-out can be defined as a state where a professional feels completely fatigued, dehumanized, reduced in regard to achievement, chronic despair, and withdrawn (Dworkin, 1987). Previous studies of this syndrome have used a Maslach Burn-out Inventory (M.B.I) to assess burn-out indicators. This study examined morale in the current educational atmosphere, using a modified M.B.I. to identify differences between two sample sets: one from Miami-Dade County Public Schools and another from other Florida counties. Applying the Mann-Whitney U test to the results revealed significant differences between the two populations on four items. In conclusion, areas of high stress for teachers were related to the FCAT, administrative support, and job security.

This is the history of the peasant community of Cannock Chase (Staffs. ) between 1546, when Sir William Paget was granted the Chase, and 1597 when his grandson recovered the lands. It shows that whilst the varying fortunes of the Paget family were closely reflected in the history of the area, most noticeably during the years of attainder when the Crown's lessee destroyed the oak forest, their influence was balanced by the actions and aspirations of many other individuals and groups. The peasant land market is described and the significance of the high incidence of sub-tenanting is considered; evidence on the real cost of copyhold land is presented. The importance of the Chase in the peasant economy, particularly as a place of common pasture for a large communal flock, of which two unique censuses survive, is discussed. The influence and significance of the manor court in both its civil and its criminal jurisdictions is considered, and the peasants' response to a number of social and economic problems is revealed through a detailed study of the court's records. A series of enclosure riots, and other disturbances on the Chase are recounted. Finally, an attempt is made to describe the peasants' attitudes to the Church and to the harsh realities of birth and death.

The Black Country was, and remains, an area characterised by insular and conservative social attitudes. These charactersistics were already strongly evident by the 1860s and thereafter were intensified by the collapse of the area's prosperity consequent on the rapid decline of its two basic industries, coal mining and iron manufacture, and the transformation of its traditional metal using trades by the widespread application of machine methods. The divisive consequences of industrial decline, depressed living standards and social stagnation for working class organisation were compounded by the extreme local particularism of its sub-regions, deriving in the main from an intense localisation of industry. Within this context the progress of the working class movement in the area was uncertain and slow. The first large group of workers to organise were the ironworkers: in the spring of 1863. At this time the impetus to organisation given by a sharp upturn of trade in a strongly cyclical industry proved strong enough to overcome the obstacles inherent in the structure of the industry, and the Associated Ironworkers of Great Britain was formed. The union survived for only five years, but the conflicts which arose with the rival association of the northern ironworkers, the National Association of Ironworkers, during this short time left a legacy of suspicion and hostility between the two groups of ironworkers which long outlasted the two unions. the National Association of Ironworkers narrowly survived the depression of 1867-8 which brought the collapse of the Associated Ironworkers and was re-formed as the National Amalgamated Association of Ironworkers. When the first onset of the great coal and iron boom in 1869-70 brought no recovery of unionism in the Black Country the National Amalgamated Association took the initiative in organising the area and in 1872 its status as the national association for ironworkers was recognised by the Black Country men. Despite the spectacular success of the National Amalgamated Association in the Black Country during the early 1870s the tensions between the south Staffordshire ironworkers and those in the north of England persisted and were again clearly revealed when the dramatic collapse of the iron and coal boom effectively destroyed union organisation in the Black Country. The conciliation movement which had accompanied the rise of the National Amalgamated Association in the Black Country survived the collapse of unionism. The ad hoc South Staffordshire Iron Trade Board which had been established in 1872 broke up in 1875 but was quickly reformed and placed on a firmer institutional basis as the South Staffordshire Mill and Forge Wages Board. Over the next decade leadership of the local ironworkers was exercised by this board, and with its influence in favour of conciliation being strongly reinforced by the continuing shrinkage of the south Staffordshire iron trade the adjustment to decline was made without undue difficulty. The success of the wages board largely obscured the weakness of organisation on the men's side, but intensified pressure on wages consequent on a further marked down turn in trade in the mid 1880s brought into . sharp, focus the importance of complementing conciliation machinery with effective union organisation and the Black Country ironworkers took a leading part in re-forming the National Amalgamated Association of Ironworkers as the Associated Iron and Steel Workers of Great Britain during 1887. The return of union organisation to the south Staffordshire iron trade in turn prompted calls for re-organisation of the wages board and in the following year this was successfully carried through, the change being marked by re-naming the board the Midland Iron and Steel Wages Board. The question of the relationship between the union and the men's representatives on the wages board was resolved at an early stage, and over the next two decades union and board combined to preserve as much as possible of the declining south Staffordshire trade. During this time the position of the Associated Iron and Steel Workers as the strongest union in the iron and steel trade was increasingly challenged by the rise of the British Steel Smelters Association, committed to replacing the subcontract system by direct labour. This development had particularly important implications for the south Staffordshire iron industry, which was organised entirely on a sub-contract basis and while there was no direct challenge to the Associated Iron and Steel Workers in the Black Country the possible consequences of an inter-union clash for the fragile prosperity of the area's industry were dramatically demonstrated at"Hawarden Bridge in 1909- 11. Thereafter such resistance as remained among Black Country ironworkers to the idea of rationalising the industry's fragmented union structure crumbled rapidly and they offered no resistance to the process of union consolidation which culminated in the formation of the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation in 1917. The formation of district associations by Black Country miners followed directly from the establishment and initial success of the Associated Ironworkers of Great Britain, and the area was strongly represented at the Leeds conference of November 1863 at which the Miners' National Association was formed. When the National Association failed to support them during a long strike in 1864 the Black Country men rebelled against Alexander Macdonald's leadership and took a leading part in forming the breakaway, P ractical Miners' Association. This organisation collapsed within two years, but doubts about the value of alliances with miners of other areas persisted and were an important factor in shaping the attitudes of Black Country miners for the next half century. These doubts were temporarily overcome during the great boom of the early 1870s. The revival of organisation in the north-east sector of the coalfield was led by the Amalgamated Association of Miners, formed in 1869, and during 1873 the associations of the south-west sector reaffiliated to the National Association. With the collapse of union organisation at the end of the boom doubts revived. Only two Black Country associations affiliated to the ' Miners' National Union, formed in 1875 from what remained of the National and the Amalgamated, and by 1878 both had seceded. By this time a second important characteristic of Black Country miners' organisations, namely marked differences of "temper" between the associations in the northeast and south-west sectors of the coalfield, was becoming increasingly evident. This difference had first become apparent during the great boom when the associations of the south-west sector had acted as pace-setters in the drive for improved wages and shorter hours, but had been largely obscured at that time by the dramatic success of unionism and the wages movement. The collapse of prosperity in 1874 was followed by a long strike as the miners resisted the owners* attempt to impose a wage reduction, and when this ended with the establishment of a sliding scale of wages the difference in temper between the miners! associations of the southwest and north-east sectors were clearly revealed in attitudes to the scale. The difference intensified through the 1880s. Even the necessity of making common cause against the owners during the long strike of 1884 failed to bring any lasting reconciliation, and by 1890 the rise of a powerful national organisation, the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, and changes in the structure of local unionism had produced a situation where Black Country miners were divided into two hostile camps. The miners in the central districts of the coalfield accepted the authority of the South Staffordshire and East Worcestershire Coal Trade, Wages Board while two militant enclaves to north and south were affiliated to the Miners' Federation of Great Britain. / Hostility between the two camps made the 1890s a particularly difficult decade for mining trade unionism in the Black Country, but the growing influence of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain progressively undermined the authority of the wages board until in 1899 the miners of the central districts affiliated and the wages board was reconstituted as a board of conciliation. Resolution of the local position in relation to the Miners' Federation of Great Britain did not, however, eradicate the long standing difference of temper between rival local associations. These persisted to 1914 and beyond and were clearly revealed in differing densities ofiunion membership, differing attitudes to the question of employers' liability and in the different levels at which demands were pitched during the strike for the individual district minimum wage in 1912. The craftsmen of the Black Country were slower to organise than the ironworkers and the miners. The flintglass makers and flint-glass cutters had established strong unions during the 1840s and 1850s, but in the metal using trades no lasting association of workers was formed until 1870 when the nut and bolt workers established a union. This achieved some success during the 1870s, but thereafter its position was progressively undermined as technological change eroded the craft basis of the nut and bolt industry.

Increased incomes, better transportation, and the desirability of country living all create the demand for land in the agricultural-urban fringe areas to increase. High l and values, low returns on investment, and residential encroachment place farmers in a situation where continued agricultural production is difficult. As ownership transfer occurs, the use of l and is often changed. This study is directed at measuring the effects of ownership transfers in rural areas of rapidly urbanizing counties on the local agricultural industries, and the effect of zoning requirements on these transfers. The study sample consisted of land buyers recorded at the Utah State Tax Commission . Data were obtained from (1) a mail questionnaire sent to the recorded land buyers, (2) soil classification , and (3) zoning requirements. General conclusions from the study were: 1. The average 1 and buyer was a professional, managerial or technical middle- aged worked with an annual income of twice the average income in his area. 2. Over three- fourths of the land involved in the transfer was in agricultural use. After the transfer, one- fourth of the agricultural land changed use. 3. Area zoning requirements may have altered the development pattern and acreage bought, but no conclusive results were obtained. The study ' s conclusions apply only to recorded land transfers on file at the Utah State Tax Commission for t he years 1974 through 1976.

Incident clearance rates are calculated by dividing the total number of crime occurrences by those solved by police in a given area. While these percentages are commonly used as a measure of law enforcement effectiveness, they are largely influenced by geographic size, economy, and cultural factors. For instance, rural police tend to have fewer financial resources and may not have sufficient personnel and technology to investigate certain criminal offenses. Rural communities also tend to be more close-knit, have stronger social ties, and residents often know one another, which can influence reporting rates and police strategies. Improving our understanding of clearance rates across rural and urban counties is necessary to increase the effectiveness of location-specific law enforcement practices. Data for the present study were obtained from the Tennessee Incident Based Reporting System for reported incidents of crimes against persons and subsequent clearance rates in 2015. Whether an incident was cleared by arrest, cleared by exceptional reasons, or not cleared was noted. Exceptional clearances refer to situations where an offender died prior to being arrested, a prosecutor declined a case, extradition was denied, a victim refused to cooperate, or a juvenile was responsible for the incident. Using the 2013 Rural Urban Continuum Codes (RUCC), counties were categorized based on geographic size and proximity to metropolitan areas, Tennessee's 95 counties were grouped into metropolitan counties (RUCC codes 1-3; n = 42), nonmetropolitan counties with an urban population (RUCC codes 4-7; n = 37), and completely rural counties or those with a population of less than 2,500 (RUCC codes 8-9; n = 16). Preliminary ANOVA analyses with post hoc comparisons using the Bonferroni test suggest that rural counties (M=73.0%, SD=18.1) had higher incidence clearance rates [F(2,92) = 4.19, p = .018], compared to both metropolitan counties (M=61.1%, SD=14.3, p =.024) and nonmetropolitan counties with urban populations greater than 2,500 (M=61.2%, SD=14.2, p =.029). Similarly, rural counties (M=71.9%, SD=18.3) had significantly higher rates of clearance by arrest [F(2,92) = 9.29, p = .000] than metropolitan counties (M=51.5%, SD=14.9, p =.000) and nonmetropolitan counties with urban populations greater than 2,500 (M=55.7%, SD=16.6, p =.004). In contrast, a nonparametric Kruskal-Wallis one-way ANOVA test yielded insignificant differences across the three groups with regard to exceptional clearance rates [F(2,74) = 5.79, p = .055]. Thus, initial findings reveal that overall clearance and clearance by arrest rates in rural areas differ from more urban locations. Additional analyses regarding county-level differences in incidence clearance rates across various types of offenses will be explored. Possible factors that may contribute to discrepancies across counties and future directions will be discussed.

What explains the variance in crime rates among Florida counties? Bivariate regression found that clearance rate had a statistically significant negative relationship with crime rate, and that the following variables had a statistically significant positive association with crime rate: law enforcement funding, population density, Hispanic population percent, the percent of males in the 18-39 range, and the percent of immigrants. It seems probable that law enforcement funding is actually dependent on crime rate rather than causing increases in crime rate: counties with higher crime rates likely spend more money on law enforcement to combat crime. To deal with significant multicollinearity, stepwise regression was used to determine which variables to include in the multivariate analysis. In this model, clearance rate had a statistically significant negative association with crime rate and the percent of males 18-39 and population density both had statistically significant positive relationships with crime rate.