This thesis is written in two parts. The first part contains an examination of the household functionings as an institution. Although the household was an establishment of declining national importance in the years 1360-1377, due to the fact that Edward III was increasingly separated from it and thus it lost much of its political significance, nevertheless his subjects were on the whole satisfied with the way in which the king ran his household. What complaints there were about its activities were not generalised condemnations but specific complaints aimed at either the jurisdictional competence of the court of the [indecipherable] or the way in which the kings purveyors abused their positions. The numbers of household staff declined steadily during this period, from over 550 in 1359-60 to less than 350 in 1377, the most radical drop being in the early 1360s and probably being due to the fact that the household was no longer involved in the war. Despite the merger of the King's and Queen's households in 1360, wardrobe turnover was much reduced by this drop in numbers and by the household's non-involvement in the war; moreover real attempts at economy were made in the household throughout this period. The chamber too had its official income reduced but in actuality its unofficial income probably made it a vary wealthy department in the 1360s although after 1369 most of its wealth was ploughed into the exchequer, by now very much a controlling organ of the national finances, to help to finance the renewed French war. The second part of the thesis examines the part which the royal domestic establishments played in the political upheavals of 1376-77. The Good parliament was not an attack on a system of government, still less an attack on the household. It was a highly personalised attack on a group of courtiers and their associates who had come increasingly to dominate both the kings policies and his patronage in the 1360s and 1370s. Yet with notable exceptions these courtiers were much more than mere idle royal favourites; the commons in the Good Parliament were quick to forget the services which men such as William Latinor, John Yovill and Richard Lyons had done to the state, and while it is true that these men had personally benefitted considerably from their association with the court, nevertheless the charges brought against them in the Good Parliament were in many cases most unfair. Finally, the part played by the lords in the events of 1376-77 in investigated and it is argued that although there was some opposition from the prelates to the government (now virtually ran by John of Gaunt although this was far from being the case before 1376), there really is very little evidence to suggest that the lay magnates either led the opposition in the Good Parliament or seriously opposed government policies in the last year of the reign.

Both Chaucer and the Gawain-poet use the Matters of Troy and Thebes as material for a critique of courtly life, applying these literary matters to the events and actions in and around Ricardian England. They use these classical matters to express concerns about the effectiveness of the court of Richard II. Chaucer uses his earlier works as a testing ground to develop his views about the value of duty over courtly pursuits, ideas discussed more completely in Troilus and Criseyde. The Gawain-poet uses the Matter of Troy coupled with the court of King Arthur to engage in a critique of courtly concerns. The critiques presented by both poets show a tendency toward duty over courtly concerns.

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心，著重從政治文化互動的角度，探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下，士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化，調整思維與行動的方式，施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 / 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上，出現重要的轉變與調適，他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係，普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端，主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義，是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上，思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 / 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書，即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中，均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育，感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力，是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 / 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中，萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見，尊重並同情宦官歷史，鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》，以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 / 綜核本文討論所得，主要有以下三點認識。第一，明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣，不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示，士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中，並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二，在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下，明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君"，可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想，熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三，儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中，顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應，摸爬滾打中，才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 / This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials’ thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. / The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials’ attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by “transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch’s significant role and status in the imperial government. / Mid and late Ming scholar-officials were eager to put their new ideas into actions. They were keen in reviving the Nei Shu Tang（内書堂）, the eunuch school in the palace and in writing books specially intended to educate the eunuchs. These books have a common focus on the eunuch’s moral sense. Good and bad examples from history are cited to encourage them to get rid of evil thought and action and to cultivate their good sense to serve their monarchs and the imperial court well and loyally, thus also to help improve the monarch’s character and enhance his virtues. I consider such effort by mid and late Ming scholar-officials to improve the emperor through educating the eunuchs a key form of upper-level statecraft. / The research finds that the Zhong Jianlu（《中鑒錄》/ Mirror of the Eunuchs）written in the very beginning of the Wanli period by Wang Ji（王畿）, the most famous student of Wang Yangming（王陽明）, was a very effective education book for enlightening the eunuchs. The success of the book owes much to the respect and sympathy it show for the eunuchs. It considers them as ordinary human beings with conscience and good will rather than discriminating them by traditional prejudice. By contrast, the Diaodang Shijian（《貂璫史鑒》/Historical Mirror of the Eunuchs）written by Zhang Shize（張世則）in the middle period of the Wanli emperor, although also aiming to educate the eunuchs, failed to attract them because of a different approach to its presentation. These two examples shows that whether an education book was accepted by the eunuchs depends on whether it responded aptly to eunuch population’s increase in knowledge and cultural achievement, as well as eunuchs’ awareness of their importance in late Ming times. / In conclusion, this dissertation presents the following three views. First, the relationship between the scholar-officials and the eunuchs, which was often considered in oppositional or conflicting terms, was more complex and diverse. Scholar-officials in mid and late Ming times came to realize, and emphasized, that their political culture should be shared by the eunuchs. Second, Ming scholar-officials were pragmatic attempting to rectify their monarchs by educating the eunuchs, who were their immediate servant. This also shows that scholar-officials still had strong interest in influencing the monarch with their ideals and values at the highest level of imperial government. Third, scholar-officials’ consideration of eunuchs as their fellow human beings capable of being educated for good heart and behavior suggests that the Confucian value system worked in a positive way only when abiding to the reality of political and social life. The practice of Confucian learning finds expression and meaning not in empty theories. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 吳兆丰. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-336) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Zhaofeng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.9 / Chapter 一 --- 政治、制度史研究中的明代宦官 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 明代宦官與士大夫關係研究的現狀 --- p.22 / Chapter 三 --- 社會文化視角下的明代宦官 --- p.27 / Chapter 四 --- 本文的結構和內容安排 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章 --- "攻宦"的效果與思考：以成化名臣王恕為中心 --- p.33 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.34 / Chapter 二 --- "攻宦"與王恕名節的建立 --- p.35 / Chapter 三 --- "攻宦"與王恕"格君"的努力 --- p.40 / Chapter 四 --- 成化末王恕奏疏的彙刊與謀劃入閣的關係 --- p.46 / Chapter 五 --- 餘論："攻宦"的名與實 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 調適與轉變：明中後期士大夫對宦官的省思 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 真德秀《大學衍義》對宦官的態度及其"反響" --- p.58 / Chapter 一 --- 《大學衍義》齊家之要--目的設置用意 --- p.58 / Chapter 二 --- 《大學衍義》對宦官的態度與定位 --- p.62 / Chapter 三 --- 《大學衍義》宦官部份在明代的反響 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明成、弘年間士大夫對"化宦"的思考與嘗試 --- p.77 / Chapter 一 --- "宦侍亦人也"：丘濬的思考 --- p.77 / Chapter 二 --- "人皆可以為堯舜"：賀欽的嘗試 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三節 --- 正、嘉年間士人對"化宦"的強調與共識 --- p.90 / Chapter 一 --- "性無內外"與"不以類求"：湛若水的個案 --- p.90 / Chapter （一） --- 《聖學格物通》及其對議禮的態度 --- p.90 / Chapter （二） --- "性無內外"：《格物通》對"得宦"的強調 --- p.96 / Chapter （三） --- "不以類求"： 湛若水與太監丘得的來往 --- p.100 / Chapter 二 --- "有教無類"：正、嘉年間儒臣對宦官的普遍共識 --- p.102 / Chapter （一） --- 從黃佐、方鵬到王瓊、顧應祥："不以其人而沒其善" --- p.103 / Chapter （二） --- 何瑭："内臣未必無君子，外臣未必無小人" --- p.105 / Chapter （三） --- 唐樞："有教無類" --- p.107 / 小結 --- p.112 / Chapter 第四章 --- "化宦"與"格君"：中晚明人士重振內書堂的共識與努力 --- p.114 / Chapter 第一節 --- "以為汙辱"：成 弘年間士大夫對內書堂的觀感和態度 --- p.115 / Chapter 第二節 --- "宮府一體"：中晚明士大夫對內書堂的重視和重振 --- p.120 / Chapter 一 --- 初振與新義：正德和嘉靖初年的情形 --- p.120 / Chapter （一） --- 景暘與何瑭 --- p.120 / Chapter （二） --- 陸深與徐階 --- p.122 / Chapter 二 --- 共識與努力：嘉靖中至萬曆中的情形 --- p.125 / Chapter （一） --- 貢汝成："患無以教之" --- p.126 / Chapter （二） --- 郭樸、孫升、趙貞吉 --- p.129 / Chapter （三） --- 李春芳、胡傑、亢思謙、汪鏜 --- p.132 / Chapter （四） --- 姚弘謨、李貴及其《思齊錄》 金達、陶大臨 --- p.136 / Chapter （五） --- 羅萬化、 黃鳳翔、 趙志皋 --- p.140 / Chapter （六） --- 黃洪憲、 張元忭及其《內館訓言》、敖文禎 --- p.143 / Chapter （七） --- 禮部的呼籲：沈鯉《典禮疏》 --- p.151 / Chapter （八） --- 內書堂教材的確定：《中鑒錄》與《貂璫史鑒》 --- p.156 / Chapter （九） --- 教材的挑戰者：焦竑周如砥《中學始肄》 --- p.157 / Chapter 第三節 --- 餘緒：啓、 禎年間的情況 --- p.163 / Chapter 一 --- 東林的聲音：錢士升 --- p.163 / Chapter 二 --- "教養內監，最是重任"：善書的強調 --- p.164 / Chapter 三 --- "我者"與"他者"：宦官劉若愚振刷内書堂的倡議 --- p.167 / 小結 --- p.171 / Chapter 第五章 --- 著作與教化：王畿編纂"化宦"書《中鑒錄》的政治背景與内容特色 --- p.173 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.173 / Chapter 二 --- 《中鑒錄》的流傳、影響及其版本問題 --- p.175 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆初王畿編纂《中鑒錄》的背景及其推廣的努力 --- p.187 / Chapter 四 --- 《中鑒錄》初刊和復梓者太監孫隆、劉成的事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （一） --- 翻刻者劉成的生平事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （二） --- 劉成與初刊者孫隆的關係 --- p.202 / Chapter （三） --- 孫隆的生平及其首刊《中鑒錄》的背景 --- p.206 / Chapter （四） --- 孫隆再度提督蘇杭織造期間的政治表現 --- p.216 / Chapter 五 --- 《中鑒錄》的內容安排 特色與取材 --- p.224 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.239 / Chapter 第六章 --- 同調與異趨：萬曆年間的宦官教化書籍 --- p.241 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《中鑒錄》與萬曆年間宦官教化書籍的持續出現 --- p.241 / Chapter 一 --- 王畿的同調：鄒德涵的聲音 --- p.241 / Chapter 二 --- 宦官"爰書"：李騰芳《宦寺考》 --- p.243 / Chapter 三 --- "銘讒鼎而志梼杌"：徐學聚《歷朝璫鑒》 --- p.248 / Chapter 四 --- "均治"之書：劉元卿《六鑒舉要》 --- p.253 / Chapter 五 --- 勸善戒惡：胡良臣《內臣昭鑑錄》 --- p.256 / Chapter 六 --- 宦官模範：佚名《中貴芳摹》 --- p.258 / Chapter 第二節 --- 張世則《貂璫史鑒》的撰作與命運：兼與《中鑒錄》比較 --- p.259 / Chapter 一 --- 張世則的生平與思想 --- p.259 / Chapter 二 --- 《貂璫史鑒》撰作的政治背景和直接用意 --- p.261 / Chapter 三 --- 《貂璫史鑒》內容特色與其備受宦官冷遇的關係 --- p.266 / Chapter 四 --- 餘論 --- p.275 / 小結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 一 --- 明代士人與宦官關係的重新認識 --- p.281 / Chapter 二 --- "化宦"與士人"得君行道"理想的施展 --- p.282 / Chapter 三 --- 儒家價值系統的充實和實踐 --- p.284 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 丘濬《世史正綱》宦官條目後按語 --- p.285 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 張元忭《內館訓言》 --- p.292 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 王畿《中鑒錄·中鑒答問》 --- p.297 / Chapter 附錄四 --- 王畿《中鑒錄》的按語 --- p.302 / Chapter 附錄五 --- 圖一：馮保《經書音釋》自撰跋文後之印章 --- p.310 / Chapter 附錄六 --- 圖二：金忠《御世仁風》手書跋文後之章印 --- p.311 / 參考文獻 --- p.312

L’Italie, berceau de la sprezzata desinvoltura de Castiglione, est assurément le pays où l’ambiguïté des relations entre art, politique et images médiatiques est la plus forte. Le pavillon Italien des biennales de Venise de 2009 et 2011 illustre ce jeu complexe des apparences, qui « fait des mondes » ou « illumine des nations ». En relisant l’histoire de l’art à travers le prisme du concept de Castiglione, la thèse nous donne à voir que le monde (de l’art) est lui-même l’effet de l’ambivalence de cette désinvolture. Loin d’avoir assujetti l’art à leurs concepts, les grands hommes, qu’ils soient rois, philosophes ou hommes d’affaires seraient des effets de cette désinvolture de l’art. Comme Monsieur Jourdain, ils feraient de l’art sans le savoir. Exit Machiavel ! Il est aujourd’hui urgent de penser cette « ruse de l’art » qui mène le monde. Tel est l’enjeu fondamental de cette thèse qui, s’appuyant sur le schème nietzschéen de l’éternel retour, distingue plusieurs figures de la désinvolture, historiques, philosophiques et esthétiques. / Italy, the cradle of Castiglione’s sprezzata desinvoltura, is undoubtedly the country where the ambiguous relationship between art, politics and media is the strongest. The Italian pavilion of the Venice Biennale in 2009 and 2011 illustrates the complex game of appearances, which are “making worlds" or "lighting up nations." Reading again the history of art through the prism of Castiglione’s concept, the thesis shows us that the world (of art) is itself the effect of this “disinvoltura” ambivalence. Far from having subjugate art to their concepts, the great men, whether kings, philosophers or businessmen are the effects of this casualness (“desinvoltura”) of art. Like Monsieur Jourdain, they would make art without knowing it. Exit Machiavelli! It is now urgent to think this "ruse of art" that leads the world. These are the fundamental stakes of this thesis, that basing itself on the Nietzschean eternal return schema, distinguishes several casualness figures, historical, philosophical and aesthetic.

Writing the history of Tudor women is a difficult task. "Women's lives from the 16th century can rarely be constructed except when these women have had influential connections with notable men.This is no less true for the court women of Tudor England than for other women of the time. The purpose of this thesis is to discuss some of the more memorable court women of Tudor England who served the queens of Henry VIII, Mary I, and Elizabeth I, 2 and to determine what impact, if any, they had on their contemporary times and to evaluate their roles in Tudor history.

Considéré par toutes les institutions internationales comme un des pays les plus pauvres au monde, le Burkina Faso constitue depuis les années 70 un terrain privilégié pour l'action des ONG. Espace de transition enclavé, diversifié et multiculturel, menant une politique favorisant l'ouverture aux coopérations et aux bailleurs de fonds internationaux, il est régulièrement considéré par les observateurs comme « le pays des ONG ». A l'ère de l'urgence au Sahel a succédé, depuis vingt ans, l'ère des projets de développement et de la coopération décentralisée, influencés par les discours des donateurs internationaux, et planifiés en concertation avec les bénéficiaires. Ces derniers sont alors devenus, selon les ONG, de véritables partenaires. Or, souvent mal canalisée et très peu coordonnée sur le territoire, cette orientation de l'aide se matérialise par une mauvaise répartition géographique, renforçant des inégalités sociales sur le terrain. Les bénéficiaires ont des pratiques et des parcours de vie qui n'obéissent pas nécessairement aux mêmes logiques que celles des décideurs. Ces projets continuent de profiter à une minorité d'intermédiaires et semblent atteindre avec difficulté les plus indigents. De plus, si les ONG apparaissent variées dans leurs formes, les domaines d'interventions demeurent stéréotypés et conçus en fonction de modèles et financements occidentaux. <br />Cette étude identifie les principales organisations, analysant leurs réussites et leurs échecs. En outre, elle met en évidence la représentation du « phénomène ONG » à travers ses différents acteurs, ses multiples formes d'engagement ainsi que son évolution au sein du paysage non gouvernemental.

En 1992, la Cour suprême du Canada souligne l'importance de faire la distinction entre l'obligation principale de conseil qui est l'objet principal du contrat et l'obligation d'information qui est accessoire. L'obligation principale de conseil est reconnue à l'égard des professionnels des professions dites libérales à l'époque, comme les avocats et notaires dans un contrat de mandat. Par contre, l'évolution jurisprudentielle récente démontre que l'obligation de conseil ne se limite plus à l'objet principal du contrat, et que la notion de «professionnel» n'a plus le sens restrictif d'autrefois. Au Québec, l'obligation principale de conseil est reconnue dans un premier temps à l'égard des professionnels soumis au Code des professions, notamment avocats et notaires. On reconnaît aussi une telle obligation accessoire de conseil à l'égard d'autres personnes qui, bien qu'elles ne soient pas des «professionnels» au sens du Code des professions, exercent tout de même des activités de nature professionnelle. C'est le cas, par exemple, des courtiers en valeurs mobilières, des courtiers en assurances ou des institutions financières. D'ailleurs, une controverse semble régner dans le domaine bancaire sur l'étendue de l'obligation de conseil et d'information des institutions financières envers un client dans le cadre d'un contrat de prestation de services. Plus particulièrement, les tribunaux semblent partagés sur la reconnaissance ou non d'une obligation de conseil de la banque dans le cadre d'un emprunt. Certaines décisions sont à l'effet que seule une obligation d'information s'impose alors que d'autres préconisent le conseil. Afin d'élucider la confusion qui règne présentement en jurisprudence dans le domaine bancaire ainsi que dans le contrat de services et d'entreprise en général, il faut faire une étude jumelée de l'évolution de l'obligation de conseil accessoire et de l'obligation de conseil principale. Notre étude porte sur l'évolution jurisprudentielle qui tend vers une théorisation dans le contrat de services ou d'entreprise, de l'obligation de conseil qui devient alors une variante ou une intensité de l'obligation accessoire d'information. Par le fait même, on constate qu'une obligation de conseil principale semble également s'étendre à une catégorie plus large de professionnels. Dans ce cas, l'obligation de conseil est similaire, dans son fondement, au devoir de conseil du «professionnel» traditionnel, au sens du Code des professions. On constate alors que l'obligation principale de conseil n'est plus restreinte aux professionnels au sens classique du terme. / In 1992, the Supreme Court of Canada advised against confusing the obligation to counsel, a main obligation in a contract with the obligation to inform, that remains a secondary obligation. The main obligation to counsel is recognized in contracts with the customary professionals, such as mandates given to notaries and lawyers. However, recent evolution of the case law has revealed that the main obligation to counsel is extending in scope and that the notion of "professional" has moved towards a less restrictive meaning. In Quebec, the main obligation to counsel is imposed primarily on professionals subject to the Professional Code, in particular lawyers and notaries. A secondary obligation to counsel is recognized in contracts with other individuals who practice professional activities but are not professionals as defined by the Professional Code. It is the case, for example, of securities brokers or securities dealers, insurance brokers or bankers. Moreover, a controversy has arisen in the field of banking regarding the scope of the obligation of bankers to counsel and to inform a client in a contract for services. More specifically, the courts are divided over recognition of the obligation to counsel of bankers in loans. Some decisions only sustain the obligation to inform whereas others expand it to the obligation to counsel. To get a clear understanding of the confusion surrounding case laws in the field of banking and in the contract of enterprise or for services generally, we must proceed with a study combining the evolution of the secondary obligation to inform and the main obligation to counsel. Our analysis is based on the evolution of the case law towards the theorization of the obligation to counsel which thus constitutes a variation in intensity of a secondary obligation to inform. Furthermore, we show that an obligation to counsel is imposed upon a larger category of professionals. In this case, the obligation to counsel is similar in its essence to the duty to counsel of the customarily professional subject to the Professional Code. It becomes apparent that the main obligation to counsel is not restricted to professionals in the conventional sense.

Kath. Univ., Diss. (in niederländ. Sprache)--Nijmegen, 1992. / Quellen- und Literaturverz. S. 427 - 454.

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