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Šio darbo tikslas yra aptarti mokslinėje literatūroje įvairių autorių pateikiamą požiūrį į laisvės atėmimo bausmę, atlikti dokumentų, statistinių duomenų, susijusių su laisvės atėmimo bausme, analizę bei išsiaiškinti kokybiniame tyrime dalyvavusių ekspertų nuomonę apie laisvės atėmimo bausmės skyrimą, vykdymą Lietuvoje, kitas su laisvės atėmimu susijusias problemas Lietuvoje. Pirmoje magistro darbo dalyje analizuojama ir aptariama norvegų kriminologo N. Christie, prancūzų filosofo ir sociologo M. Foucault, olandų mokslininkų H. Bianchi ir L. Hulsmano, britų mokslininko S. Coheno bei Lietuvos mokslininkų – G. Švedo, G. Sakalausko, A. Gavėnaitės – požiūriai į baudžiamąją sistemą, laisvės atėmimo bausmę, šios bausmės skyrimą bei vykdymą. Pristatomos Lietuvoje veikiančios įkalinimo įstaigos. Analizuojami dokumentai, statistiniai duomenys, susiję su laisvės atėmimo bausmės skyrimu, vykdymu Lietuvoje. Antroje magistro darbo dalyje aptariami savarankiškai atlikto kokybinio tyrimo „Ekspertų požiūris į laisvės atėmimo bausmės skyrimą ir vykdymą Lietuvoje“, kuriuo buvo siekiama išsiaiškinti ekspertų nuomonę apie laisvės atėmimo bausmės skyrimą, vykdymą Lietuvoje, rezultatai ir pateikiama jų analizė. Empiriniam tyrimui atlikti buvo pasirinktas struktūruoto interviu metodas. Tyrimo atranka atlikta remiantis sniego gniūžtės principu. Šio tyrimo metu buvo atlikti 8 interviu su ekspertais, dirbančiais srityje, susijusioje su laisvės atėmimo bausme. Atlikto tyrimo rezultatai parodė, jog... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of this work is to discuss the attitude of various authors towards imprisonment, to analyze documents and statistical data concerning the imprisonment and to find out the opinion of experts who participated in qualitative survey about imprisonment realization in Lithuania and other problems concerning this issue. In the first part of this work there is the analysis and discussion about attitudes of Norwegian criminologist N. Christie, French philosopher and sociologist M. Foucault, Netherlands scientists H. Bianchi and L. Hulsman, British scientist S. Cohen and Lithuanian scientists G. Švedas, G. Sakalauskas, A. Gavėnaitė towards the penalty system, imprisonment and its realization. The confinement institutions working in Lithuania are introduced. Documents and statistical data concerning imprisonment realization in Lithuania are analyzed. In the second part of this work the results of self-dependent made qualitative survey „The Critical Analysis of Imprisonment in Lithuania“ are discussed that should help to find out the opinion of experts about imprisonment realization in Lithuania and the analysis of these results is presented. Structured interview method was chosen to do an empirical survey. The survey sample was done applying the principles of „snowball“. Throughout this survey 8 interviews with experts who work in the sphere of imprisonment were taken. The results of this survey showed that experts think imprisonment is necessary, however the degree of... [to full text]

The thesis examines the coordination of public police organizations in an intra-national setting through interviews and observations with police officers and managers in multiple organizations in the Lower Mainland, BC, Canada, alongside documentary analysis of local, national and provincial law, policy and protocols relating to coordination. It produces a qualitative and inductive analysis of how police coordinate both within and between agencies, examining ‘interstices’ between police units and using recent ‘integration’ initiatives between public police organizations in the Lower Mainland as a focal point. It develops a recent local history of police activity and organizational change in the region; a novel typology of police organizational boundaries grounded in open-systems organizational theory; and an account of the dynamics of inter-unit coordination based on empirical findings. The thesis then sets out a governance problem for police coordination, developing the argument that coordination work is unique work and needs to be treated as such for purposes of accountability, transparency and equity of police practice in a democratic society. This governance problem is applied to broader developments in police work in Anglo-American societies, and an intellectual framework for assessing police governance under coordination is advanced.

<p>The aim of this study is to discuss the diagnosis ADHD as a meaning-making discourse that is something more than just a diagnosis with a set of symptoms. I aim to discuss that the diagnosis is productive and can be seen as a means to control and to comfort individuals. The research was based on a method consisting of an idea analysis and a discourse analysis. I am using both a discourse analysis and a critical ideology analysis as perspectives. These perspectives are also based on a general theory of late modernity. In the course of this analysis of ideas and discourse I pursue a series of questions. In this course I focus on four themes. These are late modernity and its focus on the individual, social work and its search and need for methods in its daily practical work, the diagnosis and specifically ADHD and crime control and treatment of criminals. The analysis is done by comparing these themes to the main question of this essay. The main question is: How can the diagnosis ADHD be seen as a meaning-making discourse in the social work with criminals? The empirical material is restricted to the last of these four themes and it is in relation to that, that the discourse analysis as a method takes place. This study is partly using Foucaults theory of selfdiscipline. The result is that ADHD has a potential to explain a lot of social problems.</p>

The aim of this study is to discuss the diagnosis ADHD as a meaning-making discourse that is something more than just a diagnosis with a set of symptoms. I aim to discuss that the diagnosis is productive and can be seen as a means to control and to comfort individuals. The research was based on a method consisting of an idea analysis and a discourse analysis. I am using both a discourse analysis and a critical ideology analysis as perspectives. These perspectives are also based on a general theory of late modernity. In the course of this analysis of ideas and discourse I pursue a series of questions. In this course I focus on four themes. These are late modernity and its focus on the individual, social work and its search and need for methods in its daily practical work, the diagnosis and specifically ADHD and crime control and treatment of criminals. The analysis is done by comparing these themes to the main question of this essay. The main question is: How can the diagnosis ADHD be seen as a meaning-making discourse in the social work with criminals? The empirical material is restricted to the last of these four themes and it is in relation to that, that the discourse analysis as a method takes place. This study is partly using Foucaults theory of selfdiscipline. The result is that ADHD has a potential to explain a lot of social problems.

Regardless of whether organizations are in the private sector or in the public sector, there is a general agreement that human resources are critical to keeping organizations effective as well as maintaining a high level of organizational performance. While more serious effort has been made to empirically examine how human resources influence organizational performance (e.g., studies about turnover consequences, studies about the relationship between human resource management practices and organizational performance) in the private sector, it is rare to find similar empirical studies in the public sector partly because it is hard to define public organizational performance. In my dissertation, I basically investigate how human resources are critical to organizational performance in the public sector with a question, "Do human resources really matter in the public sector, too?" Focusing on the crime control performance of municipal police departments, I examine the relationships among turnover, police performance, and human resource management (HRM) characteristics by surveying police departments of the U.S. cities whose population range is between 100,000 to 500,000 (Out of 205 surveyed cities, 65 cities participated). Firstly, I explore how human resource management practices (individually and systematically) influence crime control performance of the police. Based on universalistic HRM perspective (i.e., best HRM practices) and control theory perspective, I hypothesize that commitment HRM system (and individual practices) will have positive effect on crime control performance of the police. Secondly, I investigate more specific questions such as if turnover has significant effect on crime control performance and if HRM system has moderating effect on turnover consequence. Results about turnover effect confirm human capital theory that predicts the negative effect of turnover when employees with specific knowledge quit. However, no significant relationships are found between commitment HRM system (and individual practices) and organizational performance. The results might help municipal police departments deal with sworn officers' turnover as well as set up proper HRM practices.

This research project explores critically the broader social context of the rise of global private policing in Africa, using Nigeria and South Africa to provide an in-depth illustrative and comparative context. Drawing on insights from global security and police research, Foucauldian governmentality studies, and postcolonial perspective in particular, the overarching question addressed in this research is that of whether the apparent rise in global private policing in Africa is occasioned by real need, or it constitutes an imperialist project? In other words, how do we make sense of this development? This research finds that private policing is largely a function of a paradigm shift from a collective human security to an individualistic sense of security through greater emphasis on competition, and private property or gain, in contrast to the collective welfare that predominantly characterized most pre-colonial African societies. Accordingly, global private policing is seen largely as a product of long-term historical undercurrents of colonialism and contemporary forms of Western imperialism, and the leadership crisis rooted in high-profile corruption and economic mismanagement in most parts of Africa; however, their impact on the extent of global private policing differs significantly due to the country-specific internal social, political, and economic, dynamics. This research therefore makes a contribution to the theoretical debates surrounding the growth of global private policing, particularly in the African context; and considers the broader implications for security policies grounded in private versus collective human security.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-27T19:30:48Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) LOPES, José Maurício de Almeida. Políticas de Segurança Pública em MG e PE em Perspectiva Comparada.pdf: 810900 bytes, checksum: 4d77d3343edb3f752b99ad42a14cfb47 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-27T19:30:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) LOPES, José Maurício de Almeida. Políticas de Segurança Pública em MG e PE em Perspectiva Comparada.pdf: 810900 bytes, checksum: 4d77d3343edb3f752b99ad42a14cfb47 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-15 / Capes / O objetivo dessa dissertação é investigar de forma comparada os principais elementos que compuseram as políticas de segurança pública desenvolvidas nos estados de Minas Gerais e Pernambuco na primeira década de 2000. Para isso, apresentei os conteúdos analíticos e técnicos das políticas de segurança nos dois estados com o auxílio de dados estatísticos secundários, e busquei, através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, apreender os significados, valores e opiniões de indivíduos que participaram ou participam de alguma maneira dos programas de segurança pública em cada um dos dois estados. Em 2002, Minas Gerais deu início a uma política de segurança com o intuito de fazer frente ao crescente avanço dos indicadores de criminalidade e violência no estado. Tendo como principais medidas a criação da Secretaria Estadual de Defesa Social e a política de integração das polícias, o estado conseguiu congregar ações de repressão qualificada e programas de prevenção social ao crime, tendo como maior destaque nessa área o programa Fica Vivo. No ano de 2007, foi a vez de Pernambuco dar início a uma reformulação em sua política de segurança na tentativa de frear o avanço da criminalidade violenta retirar do estado o título de um dos mais violentos do país. Programa abrangente, o Pacto Pela Vida – nome dado à política de segurança do estado – teve como umas de suas principais medidas agregar as ações das polícias militar e civil, o Ministério Público, o Poder Judiciário e pesquisadores ligados ao tema na busca pela reversão do quadro preocupante em que se encontrava o estado de Pernambuco à época. Ambas as políticas de segurança pública obtiveram êxito naquilo em que se propuseram fazer: Minas Gerais e Pernambuco conseguiram aliviar a situação em que se encontravam, porém, por um breve período de tempo. O que era para ser considerada política de segurança de Estado mostrou-se como sendo política de segurança de governo tanto em Minas Gerais quanto em Pernambuco, isto é, as reduções nos índices de violência duraram um curto período de tempo, mostrando-se frágeis o suficiente a ponto de não suportarem mudanças nos setores de liderança dos Executivos estaduais. A ausência de uma liderança política forte, capaz de trazer para si a responsabilidade de conduzir uma política desse porte contribuiu para o revés da situação favorável que os dois estados experimentavam até então. Além disso, manter a integração das ações entre as polícias militar e civil também se mostrou uma tarefa nada simples a ponto de também ser um fator comprometedor das ações nas áreas de segurança nos dois os estados. / The aim of this work is to investigate so compared the main elements that compose public security policies developed in the states of Minas Gerais and Pernambuco in the first decade of 2000. For this, I presented the analytical content and technical security policies in both states with the aid of secondary statistical data, and sought, through semi-structured interviews, learn the meanings, values and opinions of people who participated or participate in any way of public safety programs in each of the two states. In 2002, Minas Gerais began a security policy in order to tackle the growing advancement of crime and violence indicators in the state. The principal measures the creation of the State Secretariat of Social Defense and the integration policy of the police, the state managed to bring together qualified enforcement actions and social crime prevention programs, with the most prominent in this area the Staying Alive program. In 2007, it was the turn of Pernambuco initiate a reformulation of its security policy in an attempt to curb the spread of violent crime state take the title of one of the most violent in the country. comprehensive program, the Pact for Life - the name given to the state's security policy - had as one of its main measures aggregate the actions of military and civil police, prosecutors, the judiciary and researchers related to the subject in the search for reversal worrying situation he was in the state of Pernambuco at the time. Both public security policies have succeeded in what they set out to do: Minas Gerais and Pernambuco were able to alleviate the situation they were in, but for a short period of time. What was to be considered state security policy has proved to be government security policy being both in Minas Gerais and in Pernambuco, that is, reductions in violence lasted for a short period of time, being fragile the enough as to not support changes in the state executive leadership sectors. The absence of strong political leadership, able to bring upon himself to conduct a policy of this size contributed to the reversal of the favorable situation that the two states experienced before. Also, keep the integration of actions between the military and civil police was also not an easy task as to also be a factor compromising the shares in the security areas in both states.

Bill C-25, The Truth in Sentencing (TIS) Act legislates the reduction of credit awarded for time served in pre-sentencing custody. The Act is but one initiative that reflects a shift toward punitiveness by the West. In reading the literature, a gap was identified concerning TIS activities in relation to the current Canadian predicament of crime control, and a socio-legal perspective provided a creative means of looking at this gap. The primary data was coded and analyzed using sensitizing categories derived from a leading theoretical framework. This framework posited the existence of conflicting criminologies and resulting strategies together forming the present regime of truth. This thesis concludes that 'truth' in sentencing is premised upon contradictory understandings as defined by the framework, that conflicting rationalities are reproduced within TIS and that although the Act is touted as an administrative reform, it also reasserts sovereign power over issues of crime and its control.

Bill C-25, The Truth in Sentencing (TIS) Act legislates the reduction of credit awarded for time served in pre-sentencing custody. The Act is but one initiative that reflects a shift toward punitiveness by the West. In reading the literature, a gap was identified concerning TIS activities in relation to the current Canadian predicament of crime control, and a socio-legal perspective provided a creative means of looking at this gap. The primary data was coded and analyzed using sensitizing categories derived from a leading theoretical framework. This framework posited the existence of conflicting criminologies and resulting strategies together forming the present regime of truth. This thesis concludes that 'truth' in sentencing is premised upon contradictory understandings as defined by the framework, that conflicting rationalities are reproduced within TIS and that although the Act is touted as an administrative reform, it also reasserts sovereign power over issues of crime and its control.