No description available.

This thesis explores how government and society are invariably against the racial sharing of spaces. It examines how impoverished Black communities are created, sustained and perpetuated. The thesis is concerned with two main theories about race repression, race castes and racialization of space, both of which posit race as the main factor shaping the existing power relations. The work first draws upon the era of de jure segregation to highlight features of castes and racialized space. The first chapter looks at how housing discrimination caused Harlem to develop into a ghetto space. In the post-de jure era, the second chapter examines how the economics of racialized space access continued to inform a national framework defined by race-neutrality. It examines how, against the wake of Civil Rights era and community rioting, politicians discursively campaigned by demonizing and criminalizing Black rioters and Black culture. The War on Drugs, which emerged against the backdrop of Rights activism, called for crime control in Black communities. By targeting Blacks already isolated in “ghetto” spaces, politicians ensure that they over-compensate White communities with the public benefits and economic resources that are taken away from Blacks spaces. In media as well as in politics, our nation continuously fails to contextualize the costs of the War on Drugs on Black communities. The final chapter examines a film to show how popular depictions of Black ghettos and misconceptions about the War on Drugs, continue to feed our ideological and actual understandings of racialized space and privileged access.

This paper focuses on exploring how housing discrimination and the war on drugs affect the way communities are shaped and viewed. The area of focus is Harlem, but the paper explores these tensions in a general way as well. The paper draws on popular academic theories about racialization.

This paper utilizes a critical (political) discourse analysis to examine security dialogue as revealed through policy; in order to facilitate this task, the following publically available political documents will be analyzed: Smart Border Declaration; Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), and the pending Beyond Borders deal. The objective is to highlight the complexities and realities of the security era as it pertains to North American border security. In other words, I am interested in the administration of border security policy in its practical context. Reviewing the Beyond Borders deal and situating it within the overall national security policies that govern the Canadian border facilitates the identification of limitations posed by the security mentality dominant in border governance. This thesis advocates that those studying border security policies in order to formulate alternative options do so in a manner that appreciates the unique polity milieu of the border. The analysis presented here has policy implications and concludes with recommendations and projections for the Beyond Borders deal. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-10-14 13:59:44.787

Submitted by Izabel Franco (izabel-franco@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T19:58:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGBD.pdf: 1314199 bytes, checksum: 2fd27cb786e906ff5d3e5771b7b394e8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T12:04:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGBD.pdf: 1314199 bytes, checksum: 2fd27cb786e906ff5d3e5771b7b394e8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T12:04:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGBD.pdf: 1314199 bytes, checksum: 2fd27cb786e906ff5d3e5771b7b394e8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-21T12:04:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGBD.pdf: 1314199 bytes, checksum: 2fd27cb786e906ff5d3e5771b7b394e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This master's research aimed to understand and analyze the ways of policing the institution face to female labor transformation processes in the Police of São Paulo State Military (PMESP). The secondary objectives were to understand the discourses of the military police operations in PMESP, understanding the perception of these on their own performance and analyze the conflicts that gender differences causes in the various spheres that compose the institution. To accomplish these objectives we conducted qualitative interviews semi structured with military police officers (men and women) from the state institution of several patents and functions. Thus considerable part of the research was structured based on the analysis of experiences and professional female police trajectories of different generations. Also they were gathered press texts that bring the image and role of women in PMESP, seeking to understand the representations involving the image of women in the institution, using document analysis. The research had as main findings the process of transformation of own police work, from the analysis of female labor over the years. The ostensible policing, aimed at combating crime (especially crimes against property), no longer exclusively male work and becomes the focus of police activities as a whole. We could also point out as a result of the differences and disputes about the "real police work" in which the work "street" is more recognition that the "administrative work ". Finally, about the discourse on women, we highlight the changes to look the work of female police officers from the perspective of care for the design of the warrior police and finally the discursive tendency to erase the differences and classify all while police. / A presente pesquisa de mestrado teve como principal objetivo compreender e analisar os padrões de policiamento da instituição face aos processos de transformação do trabalho feminino na Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo (PMESP). Os objetivos secundários foram compreender os discursos acerca da atuação das policiais militares na PMESP, compreender a percepção destas sobre sua própria atuação e analisar os conflitos que as diferenças de gênero ocasionam nas diversas esferas que compõe a instituição. Para cumprir tais objetivos foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas em profundidade com policiais militares (homens e mulheres) da instituição paulista de diversas patentes e funções. Desta forma parte considerável da pesquisa foi estruturada a partir da análise das experiências e trajetórias profissionais de policiais femininos, de diferentes gerações. Também foram reunidos textos de imprensa que trazem a imagem e atuação de mulheres na PMESP, buscando entender as representações que envolvem a imagem da mulher na instituição, a partir de análise documental. A pesquisa teve como principais achados o processo de transformação do próprio trabalho de polícia, a partir da análise do trabalho feminino ao longo dos anos. O policiamento ostensivo, voltado ao combate ao crime (principalmente crimes contra o patrimônio), deixa de ser exclusividade do trabalho masculino e passa a ser o foco de atuação da polícia como um todo. Pudemos também destacar como resultado as diferenças e disputas acerca do “verdadeiro trabalho de polícia”, no qual o trabalho “de rua” tem mais reconhecimento que o trabalho “administrativo”. Por fim, acerca dos discursos sobre o feminino, destacamos as mudanças em olhar o trabalho das policiais femininos sob a ótica do cuidado, para a concepção da policial guerreira e por fim, a tendência discursiva em apagar as diferenças e classificar todos enquanto policiais.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-01-11T11:06:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGS.pdf: 6224657 bytes, checksum: 1ce36ae40d89c7d6fcd9526473d40e1e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2017-01-13T18:53:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGS.pdf: 6224657 bytes, checksum: 1ce36ae40d89c7d6fcd9526473d40e1e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2017-01-13T18:54:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGS.pdf: 6224657 bytes, checksum: 1ce36ae40d89c7d6fcd9526473d40e1e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-13T18:54:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseGS.pdf: 6224657 bytes, checksum: 1ce36ae40d89c7d6fcd9526473d40e1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-19 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / This research aimed to understand how the institutions and state operators’ crime control are being affected by the emergence of new forms of organization of the "world of crime." It wondered how the institutions and operators find themselves affected by the emergence of the First Command of the Capital, the PCC; which the impact on their work, on the ways to exercise control and institutional management of the crime; which representations they elaborate about the changes in the contexts they operate and develop their professional activities. Therefore, it started analyzing two empirical cases that took place in São Paulo, involving the PCC and the so-­‐‑called "debate" -­‐‑ a new management mechanism of violence brought from the consolidation of the CPC in and out of the São Paulo prison system. The cases also help to identify two main strategies to crime control in São Paulo: i) a militarized control guided mainly by lethal and selective fighting with alleged criminals, played by the Military Police and; a classic judicial control, in which the logic of the investigation remains linked to archaic model of the police investigation and prioritizes incarceration for certain types of crimes and people, while holding the low levels of punishment for cases of police lethality. Part of the field work was conducted through interviews with civil and military police, sheriffs, prosecutors and judges who work in crime control, including the Special Group Against Organized Crime of the Prosecutor's Office (GAECO). It was developed a research based on official data on crime and on investments in public safety in order to observe trends, preferences and policy choices of area managers in the last decade. The results indicate that the emergence of the PCC has affected the crime control strategies performed by each of these institutions, although continuities have been observed. The PCC started seen as "organized crime", sign often claimed to justify violent and lethal actions in alleged confrontations. Investigations involving the PCC have been recurrently conducted through a partnership between prosecutors and military police, often rather of the judicial police, which has generated tensions between the institutions and their operators. The Civil Police, in its turn, operates with the coexistence of "inquisitorial logic" of investigation and effort to operates the transformations that the emergence of "organized crime" has imposed, besides seeking to circumvent the arising obstacles "scrapping" of institution. / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi compreender a forma como as instituições e os operadores estatais do controle do crime estão sendo afetados pela emergência das novas formas de organização do “mundo do crime”. Perguntou-se como as instituições e os operadores se veem afetados com a emergência do Primeiro Comando da Capital, o PCC; qual o impacto disto sobre o seu trabalho, sobre os modos de exercer o controle e a administração institucional do crime; quais representações eles elaboram sobre as mudanças nos contextos em que atuam e desenvolvem suas atividades profissionais. Para tanto, partiu-se da análise de dois casos empíricos ocorridos no interior de São Paulo, envolvendo o PCC e o chamado “debate” - um novo mecanismo de gestão da violência trazido com a consolidação do PCC dentro e fora do sistema prisional paulista. Os casos também auxiliaram na identificação de duas estratégias centrais no controle ao crime em São Paulo: i) um controle militarizado pautado, sobretudo, pelo enfrentamento letal e seletivo de supostos criminosos, rotagonizado pela Polícia Militar e; ii) um controle judicial clássico, no qual a lógica da investigação permanece vinculada ao modelo arcaico do inquérito policial e que prioriza o encarceramento para determinados tipos de crimes e sujeitos, ao mesmo tempo em que sustenta os baixos índices de punição para os casos de letalidade policial. Parte do trabalho de campo foi realizado por meio de entrevistas com policiais civis e militares, delegados, promotores e juízes que atuam no controle do crime, incluindo o Grupo de Atuação Especial Contra o Crime Organizado do Ministério Público (GAECO). Também foi elaborada uma pesquisa com base em dados oficiais sobre a criminalidade e sobre os investimentos em segurança pública, a fim observar as tendências, preferências e escolhas políticas dos gestores da área na última década. Os resultados indicam que a emergência do PCC tem afetado as estratégias de controle do crime executada por cada uma destas instituições, ainda que permanências tenham sido observadas. O PCC passou a carregar o signo de “crime organizado”, muitas vezes acionado para justificar ações violentas e letais em supostos confrontos. As investigações que envolvem o grupo têm sido recorrentemente, executada por meio de uma parceria entre Ministério Público e Polícia Militar, muitas vezes, em detrimento da polícia judiciária, o que tem gerado tensões entre as instituições e seus operadores. A polícia civil, por sua vez, convive com a coexistência entre a “lógica inquisitorial” da investigação e o esforço em operar as transformações que a emergência do “crime organizado” tem lhe imposto, além buscar driblar os obstáculos advindos do “sucateamento” da instituição.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-20T12:13:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-20T14:27:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-20T14:27:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-20T14:32:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-10 / Outra / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research aimed to understand the discourses about the Ronda Ostensivas Tobias de Aguiar (ROTA), focusing on the speech of Police officers and politicians over control the "organized crime." Therefore, we analyzed two recent episodes of "Confrontation" between Police and incriminated subjects (Itatiba - SP in May 2011 and Várzea Paulista - SP, in September 2012) that ended with large numbers of "Suspects" killed. We took this two emblematic cases as a way to cut temporally two distinct periods, before the so-called " public security crisis " apparent normality, and the other period in which the socalled" crisis "occurred, producing increase homicide rate in São Paulo. Documents were analyzed as case of studies, master's workes and professional thesis produced by officers in Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo (PMESP), News, newspapers, press officer of the Secretary of Public Security and speaking managers of Public Security. As a significant result, we found that since 2009, the State of São Paulo, there was a direction of PMESP activities in "combat organized crime "that had the support of other sectors of the justice system and state administration, such as the Public Ministry and Secretary of Administration prison that provided information to ROTA, looking for integrated approach against "PCC". The integration between agencies was maintained in relative secrety, while procedures adopted in the "fight agains to organized crime" remained opaque by the whole process, reflecting praticies of a militarized strategy favoring lethality and use of force as means of crime control, and instead of controlling the "violence", he turned out to produce it, especially in the year 2012. / Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo entender os discursos sobre a Ronda Ostensiva Tobias de Aguiar (ROTA), com enfoque na fala de policiais e políticos sobre o controle do “crime organizado”. Para tanto, foram analisados dois episódios recentes de “confronto” entre policiais e sujeitos incriminados (Itatiba – SP em maio de 2011 e Várzea Paulista – SP, em Setembro de 2012) que terminaram com grande número de “suspeitos” mortos. Os dois casos emblemáticos foram tomados como forma de recortar temporalmente dois períodos distintos, um anterior a chamada “crise na segurança pública”, de aparente normalidade, e o outro período no qual a dita “crise” ocorreu, produzindo elevação na taxa de homicídios no estado de São Paulo.Foram analisados documentos sobre os casos estudados, trabalhos de mestrado e teses profissionais produzidos por oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo (PMESP), notícias de jornais, imprensa oficial da Secretária de Segurança Pública e falas públicas de gestores da Segurança Pública. Como resultado expressivo, constatamos que desde 2009, no estado de São Paulo, houve um direcionamento das atividades da PMESP no “combate ao crime organizado” que contou com apoio de outros setores do sistema de justiça e da administração estatal, como o Ministério Público e a Secretária de Administração penitenciária que subsidiaram, com informações, as ações da ROTA de repressão ao “PCC”. A integração entre os órgãos foi mantida em relativo sigilo, ao passo que os procedimentos adotados no “combate ao crime organizado” se mantiveram opacos por todo o processo, incentivando a adoção de uma estratégia de enfrentamento militarizado que privilegiou a letalidade e o uso da força como formas de controle do crime, e, ao invés de controlar a “violência”,acabou por produzi-la, em especial no ano de 2012.

Spezialprävention – im Sinne der Verminderung von Rückfällen durch Resozialisierung, Abschreckung und Sicherung – gilt als eine der wichtigsten Aufgaben des Strafrechts. Dem entgegengesetzt schreibt der Etikettierungsansatz der Bestrafung einen negativen Effekt auf die Legalbewährung zu. Was die deutsche Strafrechtspraxis in dieser Hinsicht bewirkt, ist allerdings weithin unbekannt. Kriminologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiet der Wirkungs- und Behandlungsforschung zeigen keine eindeutigen empirischen Befunde. Zudem sind sie meist zeitlich und räumlich eng begrenzt. In der hier vorgestellten Arbeit soll der Frage nachgegangen werden, ob sich der spezialpräventive Erfolg des Strafrechts mit Hilfe von Bundeszentralregisterdaten empirisch prüfen lässt. Die Arbeit stützt sich auf Daten und Auswertungen, die im Rahmen der Legalbewährungsuntersuchungen 1994-1998 und 2004-2007 erstellt wurden. Diese dort präsentierten deskriptiven Auswertungen werden kritisch analysiert; die Datenanalyse wird durch den Einsatz quasi-experimenteller und multifaktorieller Methoden dort verfeinert, wo es notwendig und sinnvoll erscheint. Mit Hilfe dieser Methoden soll der Frage der – positiven oder negativen – Wirkung der Strafen nachgegangen werden, indem Effekte von personen- und tatbezogenen Prädiktoren kontrolliert werden, um den Effekt der Strafe auf die Wiederverurteilung zu isolieren. Darüber hinaus wird eine deskriptive Analyse der Legalbewährungsdauer, nach unterschiedlichen Sanktionsformen vorgestellt und mit Hilfe von Ereignisanalysen differenziert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass auch unter Berücksichtigung anderer Prädiktoren eine schwächere, aber eigenständige Sanktionswirkung zu beobachten ist. In der Mehrzahl der Fälle zeigen sich geringere (monatliche) Rückfallraten nach weniger eingriffsintensive ambulante Sanktionen als nach schwereren Sanktionen. Hier von negativen Sanktionswirkungen zu sprechen ist dennoch voreilig. Weitere differenzierte Analysen für homogenere Tätergruppen und regionale Vergleiche erscheinen notwendig. Möglichkeiten und Chancen für weiterführende Auswertungen werden sich auch durch die Fortführung der Rückfalluntersuchungen ergeben.

The end of civil war does not equal the end of violence. Many post-war societies struggle with anoutburst of criminal violence in major cities, after armed conflicts have officially ended in peaceagreements. Crime control programs are a response to reduce criminal violence, but vary greatly interms of level of implementation, approach, and success. This study explores why some of thosecriminal violence control programs are successful in reducing violence, whereas others are not.Deriving from a theoretical framework of urban crime prevention, it is argued that a multi-sectoralcontrol program, targeting social and situational causes of crime, is more successful in reducingviolence in post-war urban communities than a single sector approach. Through a structuredfocused comparison, this hypothesis is tested on three urban communities in post-apartheid SouthAfrica, where high levels of criminal violence were addressed by three different types of crimecontrol. The results show that only the multi-sectoral approach correlates with a reduction ofcriminal violence levels. While the type of control program seems to impact the level of success,there are various other explanatory factors that correlate with a successful reduction of crime, suchas community participation and effective partnerships.

This thesis examines the interaction of criminal justice policy and social policy within the Prolific and Priority Offenders Scheme (PPOS), a government initiative which aims to reduce offending by persistent offenders. The research on which this thesis is based takes an interpretative approach to social inquiry and employs a qualitative methodology. It examines the operation of four PPO Schemes in the Thames Valley through semi-structured interviews with 22 practitioners and 16 offenders, and participant observation of over 45 multi-agency meetings. The interaction between crime and social policy is explored through examination of three aspects of the PPOS: the coercion of offenders within the Schemes; the working practices and roles of the police and probation officers seconded to the Schemes; and the way in which information and intelligence is used and generated within the Schemes. The central argument of this thesis is that the widely-accepted idea that social policy is being ‘criminalised’ provides an inadequate account of the relationship between criminal justice and social policy in the PPOS. Rather, this Scheme evidences a merger of criminal justice and social welfare agendas, which includes elements of the ‘socialisation’ of crime policy in addition to elements of ‘criminalisation’ of social policy. Whilst the ultimate aim of the PPOS is to reduce crime, and whilst social welfare services such as health, housing and benefits are provided in pursuance of this aim, the ways in which these services are provided accords with the ethos and values of social policy. The idea of a merger of criminal justice and social policy has relevance beyond the PPOS, providing a framework for analysis of other contemporary criminal justice policies, and contributing to broader debates in criminology which have for so long been dominated by the ‘criminalisation’ thesis.