During the Geological Survey of Canada’s Cumberland Peninsula Integrated Geoscience project a ~150km long NE-SW trending volcanic belt, now termed the North Touak-Cape Dyer volcanic belt, was mapped. The volcanic rocks that comprise the belt are dominantly green weathering komatiitic rocks with some black weathering tholeiitic occurrences. Given the similar stratigraphic position, textures, mineralogy, and geochemical characteristics of the volcanic rocks throughout the belt they have been termed the Totnes Road formation, after the locality from which they were first described. The komatiitic rocks possess numerous unusual characteristics for ultramafic volcanic rocks including: fragmental textures, lack of spinifex texture, young eruption age (Paleoproterozoic), eruption through ancient continental crust, and enrichment in the HFSEs including the REEs. This places them in the uncommon and poorly understood sub-type of komatiites termed Karasjok-type komatiites. Given the ultramafic nature of the rocks and their within-plate geochemical signatures, a mantle plume is the most likely source of these rocks, with the komatiites being sourced from the hot plume axis and the tholeiites from the cooler plume head. Incorporation and melting of mantle enriched by the addition of subduction zone recycled, garnet-bearing eclogitic material, beneath thick lithosphere could cause the rocks geochemical enrichment. Stratigraphically overlying the Totnes Road formation is a variety of chemical sedimentary rocks including chert, sulphide and silicate facies iron formation, and sulphide-rich boulders. Given their consistent stratigraphic position and parallel REE patterns, these rocks have been interpreted as a co-genetic suite and are grouped under the Clephane Bay formation, after a locality that exposes a spectacular section of the chemical rocks. The variety of lithologies is believed to be due to mixing of hydrothermal and detrital inputs during deposition within an anoxic basin. Regional correlations in the area are tentative due to the lack of available geochronological and geochemical data. Mafic-ultramafic volcanic occurrences to both the north and the south of the Cumberland Peninsula show remarkably similar geochemical characteristics to the Totnes Road formation. Thus it is possible that one plume was the source for numerous volcanic occurrences within in the region but more detailed study is required to prove or disprove this possibility.

This thesis borrows the analytical framework of Qallunology to examine a nineteenth-century Arctic whaling encounter between Scottish whalers and an Inuk geographer: Inulluapik. This thesis analyzes the narrative, written by Scottish surgeon Alexander M’Donald, of Inulluapik’s transatlantic journey to Aberdeen, Scotland and Tinnujivik (Cumberland Sound) from 1839 to 1840. I show how Inulluapik’s experience in Aberdeen in 1839, as recorded by M’Donald, provides insight into early Victorian worldviews and perceptions, which I call M’Donald’s Qallunaat-dom and Qallunaat-ness. By conducting a Qallunology of M’Donald’s description of the historical episode, I examine his early Victorian Qallunaat-dom, which compared Inuit from the eastern Arctic to Scots in Aberdeen through his binary understanding of whaling, gender, and spirituality. M’Donald’s interpretation of Inulluapik’s experience demonstrated his contrasting views of Inuit and non-Inuit cultures, which intersected with early Victorian ideas of civilization, intelligence, behaviour, appearance, respectability, female domesticity and marital purity, and Indigenous authenticity. In contrast, Inulluapik demonstrated fluid resistance to M’Donald’s early Victorian binaries of subsistence versus commercial whaling, rural versus urban, primitive versus advanced, and uncivilized versus civilized, and Indigenous versus non-Indigenous. / Graduate

Sharks are considered top predators in many marine ecosystems, and can play an important role in structuring those communities. As a result, it is necessary to understand the factors that influence their abundance and distribution. This is particularly important as fishery managers develop fishery management plans for sharks that identify areas that serve as essential fish habitat (EFH). This includes nursery habitat where sharks are born and juveniles spend the early part of their life. However, our understanding of shark habitat use in the northeast Florida waters is limited. The goal of this thesis was to characterize the abundance and distribution of sharks in northeast Florida estuaries, and to examine the effect of abiotic and biotic factors affecting shark habitat use. A bottom longline survey conducted from 2009 – 2011 indicated that 11 shark species use the estuarine waters of northeast Florida during summer months. Atlantic sharpnose (Rhizoprionodon terraenovae), blacktip (Carcharhinus limbatus), bonnethead (Sphyrna tiburo), and sandbar sharks (Carcharhinus plumbeus) were the most abundant species and made up 87.1% of the total catch. Month, bottom water temperature, and depth were the most important factors determining the presence and abundance of these species. This study also examined the role of prey abundance in determining the abundance of Atlantic sharpnose sharks. The probability of catching an Atlantic sharpnose shark, and the abundance of Atlantic sharpnose sharks, were most influenced by site. Neither potential prey abundance nor preferred prey abundance were not significant factors effecting Atlantic sharpnose abundance. This may be a result of prey sampling not providing an accurate measure of the true availability of prey resources. Other factors, such as predation risk, may better explain habitat use patterns of Atlantic sharpnose sharks. Continued sampling will give a better understanding of the factors influencing shark habitat use in this area.

No description available.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.