This dissertation offers insights into the use of ideas in policies designed to address uneven territorial development in regions outside metropolitan areas in the European Union (EU). The focus is on integrated territorial development policies which draw on the notion of territorial cohesion in two different national contexts within the EU: Germany and Romania. The theoretical background of the thesis traces how territorial disparities are addressed in key theoretical paradigms which have influenced regional development thinking. Integrated territorial development is singled out as a key policy approach designed to overcome development disparities by tapping into underutilised endogenous assets and knowledge as part of a cross-sectoral vision within a defined space (be it an urban, rural, or regional context). Forward-thinking as this approach strives to be, it faces fundamental challenges in places which have been grappling with a rise of economic, social, and political disparities for many years. Understanding these processes through the relational concept of peripheralisation steers research towards engaging with people’s perceptions of spatial disparities and policies designed to address them. The conceptual framework of the thesis is designed around principles which enable an interpretive analysis of public policy. This mode of inquiry is based on an anti-foudnationalist ontology and a constructivist epistemology. The cornerstone of this approach is understanding policy actions as indeterminate, prone to unintended consequences, and fundamentally shaped by the backtalk of the complex social system it seeks to influence. Policy-making and implementing is hence viewed as a setting in which disparate and contingent beliefs and actions of individuals come together to shape a temporarily concerted course of actions. Different types of policy ideas (in many cases belonging to different schools of thought) hence come together in a process of policy framing where policy substance, actors’ identities and relationships, and the policy process are shaped. To operationalise this framework, the methodological design of this research follows an abductive mode of scientific inquiry which pursues an iterative engagement with the field and the theory. The empirical research is designed around two case study regions – the Chemnitz Region in The Free State of Saxony (one of Germany’s 16 federal states) and the North-West Region in Romania. The rationale behind the selection of the case studies was to choose regions in starkly different policy contexts, yet which are as similar as possible in terms of their socio-economic development trajectories. The study analyses three policy instruments: integrated urban development funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), integrated rural development funded through the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and regional development planning initiatives. The primary data stems from 43 semi-structured expert interviews conducted with 46 policy practitioners and experts. Policy documents, local and regional strategies, and statistics have served as a source of secondary data. The analytical approach draws on principles of grounded theory for inductively developing theoretical categories and establishing causal explanations in the form of mid-level, provisional theories. The first block of the analysis engages with the substance of integrated territorial development policies and strategies, showcasing different interpretations of territorial cohesion in national contexts. Governments in both contexts view territorial cohesion as a means of strengthening the governance and coordination of policies, with a focus on local development conditions. Nonetheless, little emphasis is put on the competitive polycentric development approach, balanced development, and the environmental dimensions. In both studied contexts, polarised development is grasped as an inevitable approach for overcoming broad regional structural weaknesses. The second analytical block engages with policy processes which underpin the implementation of integrated territorial development strategies. This serves to highlight the settings in which policy-relevant actors apply the integrated instruments available to them. The analysis centres on the separation of urban from rural development, the ownership of the goals pursued through integrated development and the ensuing impact on actors’ motivation to engage with complex policy procedures, and the role of experts in guiding policy beneficiaries The final block of the analysis touches on the problematisation of peripheralisation in relation to integrated development instruments in four domains: demographic change, structural economic shifts, infrastructures and services of general interest, and place identity and marketing. These domains are not tied to any specific policies, but have rather emerged as salient in the inductive analysis. The research concludes with a number of open questions and suggestions for policy makers. A key observation is that the notion of territorial cohesion itself tends to bring little value added to policy programmes, as many topics are already addressed in bespoke national normative concepts and policy programmes. Far from being an end-state, territorial cohesion comes across as a process which is shaped by contrasting perceptions on competitive and balanced development; by centralised and devolved modes of governance; by functional territorial planning or network-based development windows of opportunity. The added value of policies which draw on territorial cohesion to address territorial disparities may lay in bringing the perspective of peripheralised policy communities to the forefront of the debate and enabling innovative forms of cooperation.:Preface and acknowledgments – iii Table of contents – vii List of figures and tables – xi Abbreviations – xv Introduction – 1 PART I: THEORETICAL, CONCEPTUAL, AND METHODOLOGICAL GROUNDS 1. Theoretical insights into territorial cohesion and disparities in the EU – 15 1.1. Key shifts in regional development policy thinking – 15 1.1.1. The neoliberalisation of regional and local development – 16 1.1.2. The neoliberalising logic of strategic spatial planning – 23 1.1.3. New approaches towards development policies – 24 1.2. Normative and policy dimensions of territorial cohesion – 26 1.2.1. Establishing European planning concepts – 27 1.2.2. Dimensions of territorial cohesion and its integrative role – 30 1.3. Towards a relational understanding of territorial disparities – 36 1.3.1. Understanding territorial disparities through peripheralisation – 36 1.3.2. Ideational dependency in development policies – 39 1.4. Territorial cohesion and peripheralisation: research perspectives – 40 2. Conceptual framework – 43 2.1. Policy analysis: a constructivist perspective – 44 2.1.1. The case for an anti-foundationalist ontology of public policy – 45 2.1.2. Policy analysis in an interpretive epistemology – 49 2.2. Understanding the role of prominent policy ideas – 52 2.2.1. Decentering political science – 53 2.2.2. Prominent policy ideas: an interpretive perspective – 54 2.3. Reflexive agency in public policy – 56 2.3.1. Putting travelling ideas to use in policy design processes – 56 2.3.2. Policy frames and policy framing – 61 2.4. Guiding principles – 64 3. Methodology – 67 3.1. Interpretive analysis in spatial policy research – 68 3.2. Research design – 72 3.2.1. Key principles – 72 3.2.2. Comparing two case studies – 75 3.2.3. Generating theory: principles and quality criteria – 79 3.3. Methods – 85 3.3.1. Qualitative interviewing – 85 3.3.2. Policy and document analysis – 90 3.4. Case and respondent selection – 91 3.4.1. Selecting regions in Germany and Romania – 91 3.4.2. Selecting respondents – 95 PART II: CONTEXT 4. The administrative context of integrated territorial development policies – 105 4.1. The ESI funds and the Cohesion Policy: a brief overview – 106 4.1.1. The key aims of the ESI funds – 107 4.1.2. EU priorities for the Cohesion Policy – 108 4.1.3. Integrated territorial development – 110 4.2. Planning and regional development in Saxony and Romania – 112 4.2.1. Saxony – 113 4.2.2. Romania – 114 4.3. Policy instruments for integrated territorial development – 115 4.3.1. Saxony – 115 4.3.2. Romania – 120 4.4. Policy directions – 125 5. Territorial structures of, and development trends in the studied regions – 127 5.1. Territorial structures – 127 5.1.1. The Chemnitz region in Saxony – 127 5.1.2. The North-West region in Romania – 130 5.2. Population and demography – 133 5.3. Transport infrastructure – 135 5.4. Economic profiles – 139 5.4.1. Employment concentration – 139 5.4.2. Commuting – 142 5.4.3. Economic sectors - 142 PART III: EMPIRICAL FINDINGS 6. The substance of integrated territorial development policies and strategies – 149 6.1. Normative positions on territorial cohesion – 149 6.1.1. Normative Positions – 150 6.1.2. Linking the storylines – 152 6.1.3. Key remarks – 153 6.2. The substance of governmental policies – 155 6.2.1. Categorising space: the inevitability of polarised development – 157 6.2.2. The role of integrated territorial development policies – 163 6.3. The substance of local and regional strategies – 169 6.3.1. Integrated Rural Development Plans – 169 6.3.2. Integrated Urban Development Plans – 174 7. Ideas in action: making sense of integrated territorial development – 189 7.1.Practical constraints and affordances of using integrated instruments – 189 7.1.1. The urban-rural split in ESI-funded instruments – 189 7.1.2. Centralising the ownership of European goals – 196 7.2. The role of experts in framing integrated responses – 203 7.2.1. Experts’ roles beyond bureaucracies – 204 7.2.2. Attuning expertise to local conditions – 204 7.2.3. Conveying expertise at a regional level and beyond – 208 7.3. From ideas to action – 210 7.3.1. Fostering motivation – 210 7.3.2. Eroding trust through complex bureaucracies – 215 8. Problematising integrated development: a local-regional perspective – 219 8.1. Demographic change – 219 8.2. Structural economic shifts – 225 8.2.1. Regional economies in transition – 226 8.2.2. Towards competitive territories – 231 8.3. Infrastructures and public services – 235 8.3.1. In-between adaptation and expansion – 236 8.3.2. Key remarks – 240 8.4. Place identity and marketing – 240 8.5. From problems to perceptions of cumulative disadvantages – 247 PART IV: CONCLUSIONS 9. Conclusions and implications – 255 9.1. Summary of the research approach. Key findings – 255 9.1.1. Research approach and theoretical anchors – 255 9.1.2 Policy ideas and their role in policy framing 258 9.2. Reflections and implications – 264 9.2.1. Methodological reflections – 265 9.2.2. Policy implications – 266 9.2.3. Perspectives for further research – 269 References – 271 APPENDICES Appendix 1: Analysed policy documents – 301 Appendix 2: Analysed strategies – 303 Appendix 3: Details about the interviews – 305 Appendix 4: List of original quotes – 311

Der Begriff Kontingenz avancierte seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre zu einer Art Leitbegriff der Sozialwissenschaften und erreichte vor allem in Form der postmarxistischen These von der „Grundlosigkeit des Sozialen“ axiomatischen Status in linker Politik- und Sozialtheorie. Dass es vor allem mal explizit, mal latent dezisionistische Theorieprogramme waren, die dem Kontingenzbegriff zu erneuter Popularität verhalfen, ist die ideenhistorische Grundsituation, die im vorliegenden Beitrag als Problem gestellt wird und folgende Frage provozierte: sind die historisch gleichzeitigen Renaissancen von Kontingenz- und Dezisionsbegriff zufällig oder verweisen die Begriffe von Grund auf aufeinander und bilden ein notwendiges Verhältnis? Zunächst soll hierfür augezeigt werden, dass die Semantik des Kontingenzbegriffs durchaus vielschichtig ist und je nach theoretischem Kontext variiert. Zwei Extremformen werden dabei separiert. Eine dieser Extremformen des Begriffs, die gegenwärtig häufig gebrauchte, wird in einem zweiten Schritt als dem Dezisionismus entsprechende Kontingenz ausgewiesen. Zu guter Letzt wird diskutiert, warum dezisionistische Argumentationsketten für Theorien mit progressivem Anspruch überhaupt problematisch sind. / From the mid-1990’s on, contingency developed into one of the leading key concepts of the social science and achieved an axiomatic status in leftist political and social theory, first and foremost through the central postmarxist thesis of the “Lack of Foundations in the Social”. That the Renaissance of contingency is embedded in the historical parallel rise of decisionistic theories, which helped make the concept popular again, is the historical situation from where the argument in the article starts and which provoked the following research question: are the historical parallel renaissances of contingency and decision based theories coincidental or is their logical relation necessary? The goal of the first chapter is to outline the semantic complexity of contingency andits context-dependent varieties. Two extremes of the concept will be separated from each other. One of those extremes, today’s popular one, will be identified as decisionisms corresponding contingency. The discussion of why decisionistic arguments are a problem within theories with progressive intentions, will conclude the article.

The promotion of dialogues between youth and older adults in the field of cultural education remains one of the most important educational policy tasks in Germany. After all, intergenerational, cultural projects can make an important contribution to reducing ageism, promoting personal development, and dealing with social challenges. Close collaboration between actors from different sectors (school, cultural associations, administration, etc.) is needed to secure such programmes. However, this presupposes that the expectations that the involved actors have regarding the collaboration are transparently examined, discussed and adjusted within the collaborative network in advance. Therefore, the aim is to identify initial indications of different expectations of collaboration between actors from various sectors. In order to answer the research question, 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted in combination with ego-centred network maps in six German municipalities with actors from different fields (schools, administration, cultural associations, etc.). The data were then interpreted using qualitative content analysis. Our results show that actors participate with expectations ranging from different degrees of closeness and distance to the other involved actors. These results allow the first systematisation of individual expectations of actors at the beginning of a collaboration.

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Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht das Zusammenspiel von politischen Ideologien und sozialen Normen in unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen Kontexten und anhand unterschiedlicher Konzeptualisierungen. Im Licht einer wachsenden Open Science Bewegung (Christensen et al., 2020) wird dabei ein besonderer Fokus auf Replikation und transparente Wissenschaftspraxis gelegt (Asendorpf et al., 2013; Open Science Collaboration, 2015). Das erste Projekt Reclaim the Streets testet den Zusammenhang zwischen Kontakterfahrungen mit Migrant:innen Bedrohungswahrnehmung und die Bereitschaft von Majoritätsmitgliedern, Status schützenden Protest gutzuheißen und zu unterstützen. In zwei Studien wurden die postulierten Zusammenhänge unter besonderer Betrachtung der nationalen Identifikation vor dem Hintergrund eines aufgeladenen normativen Klimas der rechtsgerichteten Proteste in Chemnitz 2018 untersucht. Über die beiden Studien zeigen Majoritätsmitglieder aus Chemnitz, die sich stark mit Deutschland identifizieren, einen starken Zusammenhang zwischen negativen Kontakterfahrungen, wahrgenommener Bedrohung durch Migranten und der Intention, statusschützenden Protest zu unterstützen. Dies zeigte sich in einer Stichprobe von Studierenden (Studie 1), in der nationale Identifikation unterschiedlich ausgeprägt war, sowie in einer weiteren Stichprobe von älteren Chemnitzer:innen (Studie 2), die sich hochgradig mit Deutschland identifizierte. In beiden Studien zeigte negativer Kontakt mit Migranten für hoch identifizierte Personen eine starke positive Verbindung mit der Gutheißung und Teilnahmeintention der Proteste. Das zweite Projekt The Extended Contact Asymmetry testet den Zusammenhang zwischen sozialen Normen in Form von positiven und negativen erweiterten Kontakterfahrungen in der Peergruppe und individuellen Intergruppeneinstellungen. Dies geschieht unter der besonderen Beachtung individueller Unterschiede in der Ausprägung einer politischen Ideologie, Autoritarismus. Eine interne Meta-Analyse über die Ergebnisse von 40 Analysen aus acht Datensätzen zeigte, dass positive soziale Normen bei Personen mit hohem Autoritarismus stärker positiv mit Intergruppeneinstellungen verbunden waren als für niedrig Autoritäre. Interessanterweise zeigte sich dieser Effekt nicht bei der Interaktion zwischen Autoritarismus und negativem erweiterten Kontakt, sodass wir hier eine Asymmetrie des erweiterten Kontakts vorschlagen. Darüber hinaus wurde die Wirkung der Subdimensionen von Autoritarismus in dieser Interaktion untersucht. Die besondere Rolle von Autoritärer Unterwürfigkeit konnte jedoch nicht bestätigt werden. Das dritte Projekt If graffiti Changed Anything, it Would Be Illegal testet den Einfluss von politischen Graffiti mit rechten und linken Inhalten auf die Beurteilung von Nachbarschaften und deren Bewohner:innen. Dabei wird der Einfluss der politischen Ideologie der Proband:innen beachtet. Über drei Studien, davon zwei Experimenten (Studie 1 & 3) zeigte sich, dass der Einfluss von politischen Graffiti abhängig von seiner Passung zu den Überzeugungen der Teilnehmer:innen ist. Wir konnten zeigen, dass Nachbarschaften und deren Bewohner abgewertet wurden, wenn die politischen Graffiti nicht den eigenen politischen Überzeugungen entsprachen – Nachbarschaften und deren Bewohner wurden weniger negativ eingeschätzt, wenn die politischen Einstellungen mit den abgebildeten Graffiti übereinstimmten. Studie 3 zeigte darüber hinaus, dass die Wirkung von rechten Graffiti vor allem auf die Bewohner:innen projiziert wird, und diese abgewertet werden – auch hier in Abhängigkeit der politischen Überzeugungen der Probandinnen. Schließlich zeigten die Ergebnisse einer explorativen Analyse, dass rechte Graffiti das Potenzial haben, auch Einstellungen gegenüber Ausländern zu beeinflussen. Zusammenfassend tragen die empirischen Ergebnisse und die theoretischen Annahmen dieser Dissertation dazu bei, ein besseres Verständnis für die Interaktion zwischen sozialen Normen und politischen Ideologien zu erlangen. Sie helfen, Phänomene gesellschaftlicher Relevanz auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen besser einzuordnen und Implikationen daraus abzuleiten, die einen Beitrag zur Bewältigung der Herausforderungen in multikulturellen Gesellschaften ermöglicht. Die Möglichkeiten für zukünftige Forschung werden abgeleitet und diskutiert.:Table of Contents Abstract III Zusammenfassung V Introduction 1 1. Theoretical Framework 7 1.1. Intergroup Climates: Contextual Effects on Intergroup Relations 7 1.2. Social Norms and Their Implication for Intergroup Relations 9 1.2.1. Social Norms in Social Groups 10 1.2.2. Social Norms in the Environment 12 1.3. Political Ideologies 13 1.3.1. Political Ideologies from a Psychological Perspective 14 1.3.2. Political Orientation and Ideology 17 1.3.3. Group Identification and Ideology 18 1.3.4. Authoritarianism 20 2. Synthesis 24 3. Presentation of the Projects and Summary of their Empirical Findings 27 Project 1: Reclaim the Streets 27 Project 2: The Extended Contact Asymmetry 30 Project 3: If Graffiti Changed Anything, it Would Be Illegal 32 4. General Discussion 34 4.1. Integration and Theoretical Contributions 34 4.2. Practical Implication 36 4.3. Overall Limitation and Future Research 39 4.3.1. Political Ideologies & Measurements 40 4.3.2. Statistical and Methodological 40 4.3.3. Operationalization of Social Norms 41 4.3.4. Open Questions in Intergroup Contact Research 42 4.3.5. Minority Perspective 44 4.3.6. Open Science Practices 45 4.3.7. Scope and Goals of this Dissertation 46 5. Roadmap 47 6. Conclusion 49 Acknowledgments 50 References 52 Appendix I: Paper 1 81 Appendix II: Paper 2 97 Appendix III: Paper 3 136 Curriculum Vitae 181 Liste der Veröffentlichungen und Beiträge 183 Eidesstattliche Erklärung 185 / This dissertation examines the interaction between political ideologies with social norms in different social contexts, demonstrating how political ideologies influence the relationship between social norms and intergroup relations. In light of a growing Open Science Movement (Christensen et al., 2020), particular focus is placed on replication and transparent science practices (Asendorpf et al., 2013; Open Science Collaboration, 2015). The first project, Reclaim the Streets, tests the link between contact experiences with migrants, threat perceptions and the willingness of majority members to justify and support status-protective social movements. Two studies examine the postulated relationships with particular attention paid to national identification against the backdrop of the tense normative climate of the right-wing protests in Chemnitz in 2018. Across the two studies, majority members from Chemnitz who firmly identify with Germany showed a strong association between negative contact experiences, perceived threat from migrants and intention to support status-protective protest. This was evident in a sample of students (Study 1), in which national identification varied, and in another sample of older Chemnitz residents (Study 2), who identified highly with Germany. In both studies, negative contact with migrants showed a stronk positive association with justification of, and intention to participate in the protests for highly identified individuals. The second project, The Extended Contact Asymmetry, tests the link between social norms in the form of positive and negative extended contact experiences in the peer group and the individuals intergroup attitudes. This was done with particular attention to individual differences in the expression of a political ideology, authoritarianism. An internal meta-analysis over the results of 40 analyses from eight samples showed that positive social norms were more strongly positively associated with intergroup attitudes for individuals with high authoritarianism than for low authoritarians. Interestingly, this effect was not evident in the interaction between authoritarianism and negative social norms, so we suggest an asymmetry of extended contact on intergroup attitudes here. Additionally, the effect of the subdimensions of authoritarianism was examined in this interaction. However, the proposed special role of authoritarian submission could not be confirmed in this project. The third project, If Graffiti Changed Anything, It Would Be Illegal, tests the influence of political graffiti with right-wing and left-wing content on the assessment of neighborhoods and their residents. The influence of the political ideology of the participants was taken into account. Over three studies, including two experiments (Study 1 and Study 3), the influence of political graffiti depended on its fit to the participants’ political beliefs. We showed that neighborhoods and their residents were devalued when the political graffiti did not match the participants’ political beliefs – neighborhoods and their residents were viewed more positively when political attitudes matched the graffiti depicted. Study 3 further showed that the negative effects of right-wing graffiti were projected primarily onto the residents – again depending on the political orientation of the subjects. Finally, results from an exploratory analysis showed that right-wing graffiti also has the potential to influence attitudes towards foreigners. In summary, the empirical results and theoretical works in this dissertation show how individual ideological attitudes affect the impact of social norms on intergroup attitudes and relations. The findings from this dissertation help to better understand societal phenomena at different levels, and their implications enable opportunities to address the challenges within multicultural societies. The possibilities for future research are derived and discussed.:Table of Contents Abstract III Zusammenfassung V Introduction 1 1. Theoretical Framework 7 1.1. Intergroup Climates: Contextual Effects on Intergroup Relations 7 1.2. Social Norms and Their Implication for Intergroup Relations 9 1.2.1. Social Norms in Social Groups 10 1.2.2. Social Norms in the Environment 12 1.3. Political Ideologies 13 1.3.1. Political Ideologies from a Psychological Perspective 14 1.3.2. Political Orientation and Ideology 17 1.3.3. Group Identification and Ideology 18 1.3.4. Authoritarianism 20 2. Synthesis 24 3. Presentation of the Projects and Summary of their Empirical Findings 27 Project 1: Reclaim the Streets 27 Project 2: The Extended Contact Asymmetry 30 Project 3: If Graffiti Changed Anything, it Would Be Illegal 32 4. General Discussion 34 4.1. Integration and Theoretical Contributions 34 4.2. Practical Implication 36 4.3. Overall Limitation and Future Research 39 4.3.1. Political Ideologies & Measurements 40 4.3.2. Statistical and Methodological 40 4.3.3. Operationalization of Social Norms 41 4.3.4. Open Questions in Intergroup Contact Research 42 4.3.5. Minority Perspective 44 4.3.6. Open Science Practices 45 4.3.7. Scope and Goals of this Dissertation 46 5. Roadmap 47 6. Conclusion 49 Acknowledgments 50 References 52 Appendix I: Paper 1 81 Appendix II: Paper 2 97 Appendix III: Paper 3 136 Curriculum Vitae 181 Liste der Veröffentlichungen und Beiträge 183 Eidesstattliche Erklärung 185

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