No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

No início da década de 1960, um dos mais emblemáticos políticos do cenário brasileiro mudava seu local de atuação: Leonel de Moura Brizola partia do seu estado natal, o Rio Grande do Sul, rumo à Guanabara para disputar o cargo de deputado federal pelo novo estado. Embora Brizola tenha obtido a maior votação da época, este período ainda é pouco estudado. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende analisar o papel político de Leonel Brizola nesta fase em que exerceu o cargo de deputado federal pela Guanabara. Nessa perspectiva, a pesquisa recairá sobre sua campanha eleitoral (1962) e sua atuação enquanto membro do parlamento (1963 até abril de 1964). Os anos 1960 foram marcantes para a história brasileira, porque foi deflagrado o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Brizola tinha uma atuação importante no cenário político nacional deste período, pois, embora fosse deputado federal, gozava de um prestígio nacional conquistado a partir da Campanha da Legalidade, em 1961, e da sua atuação frente ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). O deputado era visto pelas forças golpistas como uma ameaça. A história do golpe e a história de Leonel Brizola dentro desse contexto se interligam; portanto, a presente dissertação aborda a trajetória política do petebista sul-riograndense sob a perspectiva de atuação num cenário de intensa mobilização social e política interrompida pela tomada do Estado pelas forças golpistas de 1964. Buscando resolver a problemática levantada utilizamos como fontes os Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como, jornais de circulação na Guanabara e em Porto Alegre, quais sejam: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versões do Rio de Janeiro e de Porto Alegre) e ainda o Correio do Povo. Analisou-se também o semanário Panfleto, publicação da Frente de Mobilização Popular. / In the begining of the 1960's, one of the most emblematic politicians of the brazilian scene was changing his place of action: Leonel de Moura Brizola was leaving his birth state, the Rio Grande do Sul, to the Guanabara intending dispute the cargo of congressman by the new state. Even though Brizola had obtained the largest vote at the time, this period has still just a few studies. This dissertation intends to analise the political paper of Brizola at that fase of his trajectory. In this perspective, the research will focus on his election campaing (1962) and his performance as congressman (1963 till April, 1964). The 1960's are a huge mark in the brazilian history due to the civil-military coup d'etat of 1964. Brizola had an important action in the national political scene of this period, thus, although he were a congressman, he enjoyed the nacional acknowledge of his main role in the Legality Campaing (Campanha da Legalidade) in 1961 and his actions as the governor of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1963). The congressman was seen by the pro-coup forces as a threat. The history of the coup and the history of Leonel Brizola within this context connect one to the other, therefore, the present dissertation will explore the trajectory of this member of the Brazilian Laborite Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro - PTB) under the perspective of his performance in a scene of intense social and political mobilizations interrupted by the taken of the State by the pro-coup forces in 1964. Intending to solve the questions raised, we had used the National Congress Reports (Diários do Congresso Nacional) as well as newspapers that circulated in the Guanabara and in Porto Alegre, such as: Jornal do Brasil, Correio da Manhã, Última Hora (versions of Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre) and also Correio do Povo. We also analised the weekly Panfleto, publication of the Front of Popular Mobilization (Frente de Mobilização Popular).

This study investigates the terror groups Boko Haram and Abu Sayyaf. The study starts with the Islamic history in both Nigeria and The Philippines in order to get a broader picture and understanding of the subject. The purpose with this research paper is to study the radicalization process of these two movements listed above. To study the radicalization process of these two movements I will be using Eitan Y Alimi, Chares Demetriou and Lorenzo Bosi, relational, dynamics and process analytical framework. The question this thesis is trying to answer is how these two social movements eventually became two notorious terror organizations. This research paper is carried out as a comparative case study in order to find similarities and differences between the two cases so it can be generalized. The research paper also applies the method of abduction. The findings show that there are many similarities between Boko Haram as well as many differences. But also that specific political decisions made by the governments in both countries helped to further radicalize Boko Haram and Abu Sayyaf.

Les premiers signes de la radicalisation salafo-djihadiste contemporaine remontent au début des années 80, dans le sillage de l'intervention Soviétique en Afghanistan et de l'instauration de la république islamique d'Iran. Courant minoritaire, totalitaire et ultraconservateur de l’islam, il se considère comme le fédérateur de l'Oumma (communauté des croyants) et l'incarnation de l'islam authentique des origines. Ce mouvement plus proche d’une idéologie révolutionnaire que d’un message religieux, a pris une ampleur internationale, dans le sillage des révoltes du Printemps Arabe fin 2010. Une organisation particulièrement habile dans l'utilisation des moyens modernes de communications et dans la diffusion de la propagande a su créer une dynamique efficace suscitant l'adhésion de jeunes gens et des moins jeunes, depuis tous les continents. Cette organisation terroriste dénommée Daesh ou Etat islamique a réussi à s'imposer là où ses prédécesseurs ont échoué. Comment y est-elle parvenue ? Qui sont les volontaires prêts à mourir pour cette cause ? Quelles sont leurs motivations ? Comment répondre à cette nouvelle forme de menace d’une extraordinaire complexité ? Quelles sont les solutions et les évolutions de ce phénomène d’ampleur ? C’est à toutes ces questions que la présente recherche tente de répondre, sans prétendre à l’exhaustivité, avant de conclure sur quelques perspectives et voies d’exploration, de nature à contrecarrer davantage l’influence et les effets d’une idéologie meurtrière qui marquera durablement le 21ème siècle. / The first signs of the contemporary salafo-Jihadism radicalization date back to the early 1980s, following the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As a minority, totalitarian and ultraconservative Muslim, he considers himself to be the federation of the Ummah (community of believers) and the embodiment of authentic Islam from its origins.This movement closer to the revolutionary ideology than the religious message has taken on an international dimension in the wake of the Arab Spring revolts at the end of 2010. An organization particularly skilled in the use of modern means of communication and in disseminating Propaganda has created an effective dynamic, attracting young people and young people from all continents. This terrorist organization called Daesh or Islamic state managed to impose itself where its predecessors failed. How did she get there? Who are the volunteers ready to die for this cause? What are their motivations? How to respond to this strong new threat? What are the solutions and evolutions of this phenomenon of magnitude? This is to those questions that this research attempts to answer, without claiming to be exhaustive, before concluding on a few prospects and ways of exploration, such as to thwart more influence and the effects of ideology a murderer who will permanently mark the 21st century.

Introduction. This study examines the age-specific risk factors associated withradicalization that could contribute to Swedish research and responsible investigativeauthorities. Specific knowledge of individual risk factors for radicalization isremarkably limited, especially compared to what we know about other forms ofviolence.Methods. A total of 1240 cases are included after a data cleaning of the PIRUS-dataset. An exploratory factor analysis examined youths (<21), adults (>22), and a noage-specific group.Results. The younger population tends to have more often been abused as a child,had some traumatic experience, and are currently part of a gang. In comparison, theolder population tend to have alcohol or drug abuse problems and more unstructuredtime, have a radicalized friend and have actively searched for their radicalized group.The All-group shares a variety of variables with the age-specific groups.Conclusion. The results imply a need for specified risk factors according to age. Theage-specific analysis provides a deepened understanding of age-specific risk factorsthat contribute to radicalization and make individuals susceptible to radicalizedgroups. Since different authorities are responsible for minors and adults and alreadywork with a risk factor approach, the findings in this essay imply that the authoritiesshould investigate their current policies and update them to age-specific risk factors ifnecessary.

There is a lack of research on the relationship between dehumanization of minority religious groups and affiliation with terrorism, which suggests a need to consider the consequences of dehumanization perceptions beyond promoting aggression. This qualitative case study addresses whether dehumanization embedded in public policies influences Muslim Americans 18 to 25 years of age, native and nonnative, to engage in homegrown terrorism. Using Schneider and Ingram’s social constructions of target populations as the foundation, research questions focused on how perceptions of mechanistic dehumanization in policy design influence homegrown terrorism among Muslim- American adults. Data were acquired through archival data that included historical documents, artifacts, and recorded testimonies of U.S. senior policymakers and organizations. These data were inductively coded, and through thematic analysis, Muslim Americans’ opinions and experiences with mechanistic dehumanization in policy settings were examined. Key themes indicated that during the early stages of the War on Terror, Americans dehumanized U.S. Muslims, which corresponded to support for exclusionary policies. However, there were no indications of modification to target group political orientation. The implications for positive social change include recommendations to policy makers to reevaluate social and public policies for Muslim Americans, counterterrorism practitioners, and scholars to avoid unfocused and unjust policies that impose collateral damage against all Muslims and not the intended targets of international extremists.

The goal of this thesis is a deeper exploration of the phenomenon of violent radicalization and its causes in the prison population in the Czech environment. The theoretical part summarizes current knowledge about the possible causes of radicalization and current issues concerning radicalization around the world and in the Czech Republic. Furthermore, the specifics of prison radicalization and possible ways of deradicalization, including examples of good practice, are outlined. The empirical part attempts to map the characteristics of individuals in potential risk of radicalization in the environment of Czech prisons. The examined sample of 67 people is composed only of men and their average age is 34 years. Nearly half of the cases involves right-wing radicalization, in one third of cases individual non-specific radicalization is identified, and Islamic and left-wing radicalization is represented in low percentage of cases. In the sample, we can observe a high rate of unemployment, previous criminality, low level of education, childhood behavioral problems, under-average intellect, increased aggression, or impulsivity. Dissociative personality, identity problems, or mental health issues are also very common. The second part of the research aims at evaluating professional preparedness of the prison...

Bibliographic Note CAPUTO, Alexandria. The Sultanate of Oman: Resistant to Extremism?. 104 p. Master Thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Science. Supervisor : Prof. Oldřich Bureš Abstract This thesis analyses the Sultanate resistance to violent extremism as a Middle Eastern nation that has consistently scored a "0" on the Global Terrorism Index (GTI), an ongoing indexing of global terrorism from 2003 onwards. The Sultanate was markedly stable for those years unaccounted by the GTI. This case study examines institutional and legal frameworks established by the Sultanate and their value on countering radicalization and extremism processes that might lead to an act of terrorism. This research is supported by literature on radicalization and countering violent extremism (CVE) models, with great focus on a five- pronged, comprehensive working paper that approaches major problems across the Middle East. Radicalization and extremism notably fester in such problematic approaches, and the objective is to parallel these problems with the strategies, approaches, and norms of the Sultanate of Oman to see if this paper can come to a conclusion about the ability of nations and their populations to resist radical pathways and extremist ideologies. With religion at the crux of...

The aim of the thesis is to analyze the current state of policies proposed to address the issue of radicalization in Europe. More specifically, the thesis deals with the topic of the fight against radicalization through education. The paper highlights how security debate in Europe is changing the understanding of educational institutions and their role in anti-radicalization policies. In the past, states in Europe had to deal with various forms of violence caused by either separatist movements or other radical and extremist ideologies. Unfortunately, the problem of the occasional outbreak of violence has not been resolved yet in Europe. In relation to the theme of radicalization, the role of educational institutions is perceived as significant to counter the process. They are considered to be the main institutions able to support the social inclusion and critical thinking of students during the globalization and modernization of Internet technologies. For these reasons, educational institutions should be responsible for protecting European students and pupils and preventing them from being drawn to extremism. This work, however, points out that this understanding is not the only way promoted by governments to tackle radicalization through the sector of education. The role of educational...

This work focuses on analysis of radical Islamist (jihadist) terrorism in Europe with specific focus on refugees. The basic aim of this work is to determine, whether refugees are more prone to radicalization, criminal activity or terrorism. Special attention will be given to refugees that came to Europe since 2015 and the special aim is to determine, whether they can be considered as trojan horse of terrorism, criminals or they pose no threat in topic of either terrorism or criminality. This work is divided into three main chapters and numerous subchapters. In the first part of the work, the phenomenon of terrorism is closely analysed. This chapter concentrates on difficulties of achieving a common definition of terrorism, provides various definitions and their critique, looks on definitional elements and roots of terrorism, discusses theories of terrorism and presents various types of terrorism. Second chapter lists out the occurrence of jihadist terrorism in Europe since 2015 and reviews it. A special view is offered by listing out successful jihadist attacks committed by refugees since 2015. Third chapter focuses on the analysis of three things - radicalization among refugees, criminal activity among refugees and the possibility of the occurrence of migratory terrorism. The main research...