It is assumed that democratic policing will help to improve the respect of human rights and democracy in a given country. Using secondary data, this study explores cross-nationally the interrelation between democratic policing practices (e.g., community policing) and democracy and human rights.The results show significant positive correlation between the practice of democratic policing and indicators of democracy and respect for human rights. The analysis strongly implies that scholars have underestimated the power of policing institutions in democratic societies.

This paper studies the police reform in Egypt in the light of the revolution 2011. The ousting of the authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak was the beginning of the transition towards democracy. Within 15 months both parliamentary and presidential election had taken place. The political leaders were new and the transitional process had begun however the institutions where still the same and one feature of the revolution was to reform the police since the police was hated as the oppressive power it was. Transition from totalitarian regime to democracy is more than elections it is about reforming the institutions and especially the security sector hence they often play a significant role in oppressing the citizens in an authoritarian state. The police in Egypt used repressive methods to control the citizens. Therefore it is interesting to investigate whether the police are beginning to transform along the principles of democratic policing, a specific part of security sector reform focusing on the reformation of the police. The notion of human security with the people at the centre lay as a foundation of the theoretical framework. The material consists of in- depth interviews with leaders and active people in the civil society and their view regarding police work and police reform after the revolution. The conclusions drawn from the study is that the police lack capacity, understanding and training to reform. The reformation has to be influenced by political will from legislative and institutional level as well from the police officers themselves. There are challenges if a reform of the police will be successful and some of them are connected with national and international circumstances.

Police officers continue to sustain injuries during close proximity encounters with non-compliant and combative suspects. The purpose of this quasi-experimental study was to examine whether the use of less-lethal instruments, such as conducted energy devices, oleoresin capsicum, impact batons, and hands/feet defensive tactic reduced police officer injury during confrontations with uncooperative suspects at a medium-sized police department in a southern state. Fichtelberg's democratic policing was used as the theoretical framework for this study. Data were acquired from Suspect Resistant Reports (n = 409) written by police officers over a 10-year period (1/05 - 12/14). The dependent variable was police officer injury and the categorically ranked independent variable was the less-lethal instrument. A significant association was found between officer injuries and less-lethal instruments using chi-square analysis (p

Maintaining order in the community may be considered one of the fundamental obligations of the contemporary state. It requires the policing of society in accordance with the law and therefore entails one of the most comprehensive manifestations of state power. It is aimed at protecting the state and the community against crime so that the individual member of society is not burdened with self-protection. It is, however, essential that the state engages in legitimate powers and force in order to provide stability within the community it polices. The traditional approach to policing requires that a state authority be appointed to maintain order in the community, to apply and enforce the law and to utilise legitimate procedures to protect the community. However, through the ages it became synonymous with oppressive and politically driven state authority. This created a wedge between the state and society and resulted in a crisis in police legitimacy. Before 1994 South Africa‘s policing system was based on the national security of the state that ensured absolute state authority through oppressive political practices. The democratisation process deviated from this approach by striving for the limitation of state power and the protection of the individual by means of fundamental rights. This democratisation process also had an impact on the policing system, which was required to transform accordingly, in order to reflect the democratic state, as well as the constitutional values, fundamental rights and legitimate state authority. The South African police therefore had to transform on both a structural and material level, but seems to have done so without the juridical basis. This re-established a crisis in legitimacy which caused society to view the police as an oppressive, corrupt and hostile state authority. It created a feeling of contempt and distrust in the police and undermined the police‘s role in society. To counter this lack in legitimacy the community reverted to a form of self-protection and took the law into their own hands, which resulted in the undermining of public order and the law in general. This study investigates the juridical foundation of the contemporary policing system in South Africa. It studies the structural and material composition of South African policing and whether it can really be considered a constitutional policing system. It endeavours to provide juridical answers to the current concerns in the legitimacy of policing, in order to harmonise the traditional policing approach with that of the constitutional era. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Maintaining order in the community may be considered one of the fundamental obligations of the contemporary state. It requires the policing of society in accordance with the law and therefore entails one of the most comprehensive manifestations of state power. It is aimed at protecting the state and the community against crime so that the individual member of society is not burdened with self-protection. It is, however, essential that the state engages in legitimate powers and force in order to provide stability within the community it polices. The traditional approach to policing requires that a state authority be appointed to maintain order in the community, to apply and enforce the law and to utilise legitimate procedures to protect the community. However, through the ages it became synonymous with oppressive and politically driven state authority. This created a wedge between the state and society and resulted in a crisis in police legitimacy. Before 1994 South Africa‘s policing system was based on the national security of the state that ensured absolute state authority through oppressive political practices. The democratisation process deviated from this approach by striving for the limitation of state power and the protection of the individual by means of fundamental rights. This democratisation process also had an impact on the policing system, which was required to transform accordingly, in order to reflect the democratic state, as well as the constitutional values, fundamental rights and legitimate state authority. The South African police therefore had to transform on both a structural and material level, but seems to have done so without the juridical basis. This re-established a crisis in legitimacy which caused society to view the police as an oppressive, corrupt and hostile state authority. It created a feeling of contempt and distrust in the police and undermined the police‘s role in society. To counter this lack in legitimacy the community reverted to a form of self-protection and took the law into their own hands, which resulted in the undermining of public order and the law in general. This study investigates the juridical foundation of the contemporary policing system in South Africa. It studies the structural and material composition of South African policing and whether it can really be considered a constitutional policing system. It endeavours to provide juridical answers to the current concerns in the legitimacy of policing, in order to harmonise the traditional policing approach with that of the constitutional era. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This study is an exploration of the European Union acquis adoption in the Turkish National Police. The research employed the Diffusion of Innovations, Democratic Policing, and historical background check theoretical frameworks to study the decision-making of the TNP regarding reforms after 2003 as a qualitative case study which triangulated the methodology with less-dominant survey and several other analyzing methods. The data were collected from several sources including semi-structured interviews, archival records, documentary evidences and the European Commission Regular Reports on Turkey. The research interest was about the decision mechanisms of the TNP towards reforms and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey. During the study, internationally recognized human rights standards were given attention. As the data suggested, the police forces are shaped according to their ruling governments and societies. It is impossible to find a totally democratic police in a violent society and a totally violent police in a democratic society. The study findings suggested that reforming police agencies should not be a significant problem for determined governments. Human rights violations should not be directly related with the police in any country. The data suggested that democratic policing applications find common application when the democracy gets powerful and police brutality increases when authoritarian governments stays in power. Democratic policing on the other hand is an excellent tool to improve notion of democracy and to provide legitimacy to governments. However, democratic policing is not a tool to bring the democracy, but a support mechanism for it.

Text in English, with summaries in English, Xhosa and Zulu / This research was directed towards investigating if the metropolitan police mandate, as it is collectively perceived by senior metropolitan police officials in Gauteng, is constructive and aligned to the notion of a democratic South Africa. Qualitative data was collected from all metropolitan police departments in Gauteng through an extensive series of semi structured interviews. By adopting a phenomenographic research approach, collected data was transcribed, analysed and hierarchically arranged into a variety of qualitatively different but intrinsically related categories of description. From these categories of description, multiple collective understandings relating to democracy in South Africa, democratic policing and the metropolitan police role emerged. Further analysis revealed that the senior metropolitan police managers collectively fosters a significantly limited understanding of democracy, predominantly based on rudimentary and general democratic principles and values. The collective understanding participants held in relation to democratic policing was also significantly rudimentary and limited, as it principally revolved around the notion of police accountability. Again, the absence of an explicit relationship between participants and South Africa’s democracy was notable. Sequentially, it emerged that participants predominantly do not understand or perceive the metropolitan police department or its mandate as is appropriate within the framework of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. The democratic features of a preventative and proactive focus, objective professionalism and individual and situational responsiveness are thus remarkably absent from these departments. Subsequently, the metropolitan police mandate, as it is collectively perceived by senior metropolitan police officials in the Gauteng Province, is neither appropriate nor constructive to a democratic South Africa. / Olu phando lwalujoliswe ekuphandeni ukuba ingaba igunya lamapolisa esixeko, njengoko libonwa njalo ngawo wonke amagosa aphezulu obupolisa besixeko eGauteng, liyakha kwaye lingqamene na nombono woMzantsi Afrika wedemokhrasi. Kwaqokelelwa iinkcukacha zolwazi lomgangatho kuwo wonke amasebe amapolisa esixeko eGauteng, oko kusenziwa ngothotho lodliwano ndlebe olunzulu nolungaqingqwanga ncam. Kwasetyenziswa indlela yophando ejonga iimeko ngobunjalo bazo, iinkcukacha zolwazi ezaqokelelwayo zahlalutywa zacwangciswa ngokwamanqwanqwa olandelelwano, zangamaqela enkcazelo aneempawu ezingafaniyo nangona zizalana. Ukususela kula maqela enkcazelo kwaqondakala iqela lezimvo eziphathelene nedemokhrasi eMzantsi Afrika, ukugcina umthetho ngokwedemokhrasi kwaze kwavela indima yamapolisa esixeko. Uhlalutyo lwaqhuba lwavelisa ukuba abaphathi bamapolisa esixeko ewonke abonakalisa ukungayiqondi kakuhle idemokhrasi, ikakhulu asekeleze iinqobo ezingacolekanga zedemokhrasi. Uluvo lwabo bonke abathathi nxaxheba xa luthelekiswa nokugcina umthetho ngokwedemokhrasi lwafumaniseka ukuba nalo alucolekanga ngaye lulwazana oluncinci, kuba lwalungqonge ingcinga yokuba amapolisa amele izenzo zawo. Ngaphezu koko, kwaqapheleka ukungabikho kobudlelwane phakathi kwabathathi nxaxheba nedemokhrasi yoMzantsi Afrika. Okulandelayo yaba kukuqaphela ukuba abathathi nxaxheba abaliqondi iSebe okanye igunya lamapolisa esixeko njengoko libekiwe kwisakhelo sedemokhrasi yoMgaqo Siseko yoMzantsi Afrika. Azikho kwaphela kula maSebe iimpawu zedemokhrasi zokuthintela nokulungiselela kungekaqhambuki bubi, ukusebenza kakuhle nokuvelela izinto macala onke kwanokukwazi ukusabela kwimeko ethile. Ngoko ke, igunya lamapolisa esixeko, njengoko libonwa njalo ngawo wonke amagosa aphezulu amapolisa esixeko kwiPhondo iGauteng, alifanelekanga kwaye aliwakhi uMzantsi Afrika wedemokhrasi. / Lolu cwaningo lwaluqondiswe ekuhloleni ukuthi isijubo samaphoyisa edolobhakazi, ngendlela esibonwa ngayo yizikhulu zasemaphoyiseni edolobhakazi eGauteng singesakhayo na nokuthi siyahambisana yini nombono weNingizimu Afrika yentando yeningi. Imininingwane yocwaningo emayelana namaqiniso yaqoqwa kuyo yonke iminyango yamaphoyisa edolobhakazi eGauteng ngokusebenzisa uchungechunge olubanzi lwezingxoxo ezihleliwe. Ngokulandela indlela yocwaningo ebheka ukuthi abantu bacabangani noma bayithola injani into ethile, imininingwane eqoqiwe yashicilelwa yaba ngumbhalo, yahlaziywa yabe seyihlelwa ngokulandelana kokukhula kwayo yaba yizinhlobonhlobo zemikhakha yencazelo engamazingahle ahlukahlukene kodwa futhi zibe zihlobene ngokwemvelo. Kule mikhakha yencazelo, kuvele ukuqonda okwahlukene kaningi eqoqweni elilodwa ngokufanayo maqondana nentando yeningi eNingizimu Afrika, ukuqapha okuhambisana nentando yeningi kanye nendima edlalwa ngamaphoyisa edolobhakazi. Olunye uhlaziyo luveze ukuthi izikhulu zasemaphoyiseni edolobhakazi, ngokuhlanganyela, zinokuqonda okunomkhawulo maqondana nentando yeningi, ikakhulukazi kokuphathelene nemigomo nezimiso ezejwayelekile zentando yeningi. Ukuqonda kweqoqo lababambiqhaza ngokuhlanganyela maqondana nokuqapha okuhambisana nentando yeningi nakho kwaba ngokwejwayeleke kakhulu futhi kwaba nomkhawulo, njengoba kwakugxile kakhulu embonweni wokuziphedulela kwamaphoyisa. Kanti okunye, ukungabi khona kobudlelwano obucacile phakathi kwababambiqhaza kanye nentando yeningi yeNingizimu Afrika nakho kwabonakala. Okwalandela lapho kwaba ngukuthi ababambiqhaza abaningi abaqondi kahle kumbe babona umnyango wamaphoyisa edolobhakazi noma isijubo sawo njengefanelekile ngokohlaka lwentando yeningi yeNingizimu Afrika elandela umthethosisekelo. Ngakho-ke, izinto ezihambisana nentando yeningi maqondana nokugxila ekuvimbeleni nasekwenzeni izinto ngaphandle kokutshelwa, ukuqeqesheka kahle ngokubheka wonke amacala kanye nokubhekana nezinto eziqondene nomuntu ngamunye noma nezimo, azitholakali kule minyango. Ngenxa yalokho, isijubo samaphoyisa edolobhakazi, ngendlela esibonwa ngayo yizikhulu zasemaphoyiseni edolobhakazi esifundazweni saseGauteng, singesingafanelekile nesingakhi eNingizimu Afrika yentando yeningi. / Police Practice / D. Lit. et Phil. (Police Science)