<p>The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions?</p><p>By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other.</p><p>Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens.</p><p>Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women.</p><p>The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.</p>

The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions? By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other. Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens. Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women. The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.

<p>Abstract</p><p>The aim with this essay has been to investigate if Sweden’s attitude against the European Union has changed expressed in the statement of government policies, during the years 1988-1998. In the prolongation I want to see if the policies can be seen as examples of agenda-setting.</p><p>My comprehensive objective is: In which way is the change of the Swedish attitude towards the European Union expressed in the statement of government policies during 1988-1998 shown?</p><p>My other objectives are: In which ways describes the statements the integrations process in Europe generally?</p><p>In which ways does the integrations process influences Sweden in generally?</p><p>In which ways does the integrations process influences Sweden’s relations against the European Union?</p><p>I have used qualitative text analysis as method in my essay to find the answers to the questions. I have classified a number of opinions, found in the policies, summarized under my three objectives.</p><p>The result of my essay was shown that the changed not can be found in the policies and they are examples of agenda-setting. Decisions and public opinions take places in other ways than in the statements of government policies.</p><p>Keywords: The European Union, the statement of government policies, the swedish EU-membership and agenda-setting.</p><p>Nyckelord: Den Europeiska Unionen, regeringsdeklarationer, det svenska EU-medlemskapet och “agenda-setting."</p>

Abstract The aim with this essay has been to investigate if Sweden’s attitude against the European Union has changed expressed in the statement of government policies, during the years 1988-1998. In the prolongation I want to see if the policies can be seen as examples of agenda-setting. My comprehensive objective is: In which way is the change of the Swedish attitude towards the European Union expressed in the statement of government policies during 1988-1998 shown? My other objectives are: In which ways describes the statements the integrations process in Europe generally? In which ways does the integrations process influences Sweden in generally? In which ways does the integrations process influences Sweden’s relations against the European Union? I have used qualitative text analysis as method in my essay to find the answers to the questions. I have classified a number of opinions, found in the policies, summarized under my three objectives. The result of my essay was shown that the changed not can be found in the policies and they are examples of agenda-setting. Decisions and public opinions take places in other ways than in the statements of government policies. Keywords: The European Union, the statement of government policies, the swedish EU-membership and agenda-setting. Nyckelord: Den Europeiska Unionen, regeringsdeklarationer, det svenska EU-medlemskapet och “agenda-setting."

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.