[pt] A dispersão da mancha urbana das cidades provoca alto custo para toda a população, com a necessidade de investimentos em saneamento, transportes e equipamentos urbanos, além do problema da poluição e desmatamento causados por essa expansão. Em casos como o da cidade do Rio de janeiro, a mancha urbana ocupa praticamente todo o território municipal e se desenvolve em áreas ainda desprovidas de infraestrutura que suporte novos empreendimentos, enquanto outras, melhor estruturadas, ficam estigmatizadas por conceitos urbanos pejorativos e desprestigiadas pela sociedade - os seus chamados subúrbios, hoje conhecidos como Área de Planejamento 3. Formam-se, com isso, vazios urbanos em áreas próximas ao centro, que poderiam ser melhor aproveitados para termos um território mais compacto e poupador de recursos públicos. O atual Plano Diretor da cidade estabeleceu como zonas de incentivo áreas antes desprestigiadas, em quase toda a Zona Norte e parte da Zona Oeste, sendo um ponto de partida para reversão do atual quadro de crescimento desordenado e segregatório da cidade. / [en] Rio de Janeiro has had a fragmented model of expansion, where many new regions occupied not have transportation and sanitation infrastructure, and old areas, structured, tend to be disparaged and stigmatized as places of low social value. The effects on the city is catastrophic, affecting the routine of all the population and hindering the control of the territory by the government. While there were new areas to grow, the city took advantage of that. Many neighborhoods were born, evolved and died, while new spaces were created and encouraged. Came to Barra da Tijuca, the greatest example of how Rio de Janeiro has expanded to meet the desires of a particular group in search of a safe and elitist environment. Condos upper middle class were built and attracted people from all over the city and, in parallel, its sewage was dumped in the lagoons of the neighborhood. While a new Rio grew, much of the city was deteriorating, especially downtown and North Zone. In the central region, the idea of transferring downtown to Barra da Tijuca gained strength, with large companies moving into this new neighborhood. Modern buildings, wide open spaces and parking were the main differences between the two regions. In the residential aspect, concern for downtown was virtually nil. In the North Zone, with the increase of slums and violence, traditional neighborhoods were no longer the focus of the middle class carioca, with stagnating real estate investments over time and making the region passed by a process of forgetting his relevance within the context of the city, having his image associated with violence and crime. In areas called suburbian, the situation was even worse. The old industries have moved to other cities due to the daily violence of those neighborhoods, highlighting Benfica, Bonsucesso, Ramos and Penha, suffering a massive stagnation over the past decades. Associated with urban problems, prejudice was responsable for the not occupation of a large space in the city, well structured and located. But none of this was seen as a problem, but as a solution, because in Rio there were still many areas to grow and receive new residents, not being interesting recover and encourage the occupation of what had actually structure to receive new ventures. The thought of rejection of old areas and interest in new lasted nearly three decades and, as a consequence of this neglect, we have seen emerge an ancient and undervalued city and another one new and prosperous, resulting in a decentralized Rio and full of empty urban, increasingly dependent of transport, sanitation and opening new routes, generating costs for the entire population. Analyzing the urban area in Rio, in North Zone, we can see how there is a waste of urbanized areas, where there is a structured urban space, with transportation and sanitation system established, but underutilized and virtually without good projects being introduced. In certain parts of West Zone, investments are numerous, without a previous and efficient infrastructure that can receive all these investments. This is a contradiction. Currently known as Planning Area 3 (AP 3), a huge and discredited region in North Zone is in a strategic location, but is stigmatized by the media and society with pejorative concepts of class, who treats it like a suburb, but the application of that name ends up being contradictory, because, in Rio de Janeiro, this concept is associated with an etymology and not with a urban fact. There are in AP 3 urbanized neighborhoods and near downtown, but they are viewed negatively, often caused by so-called opinion leaders. AP 3 is the gateway of the city, with a strategic location to anywhere else in the city, state, country and abroad (the international airport is located there). It is the most populated area in the city and needs to be well treated, as a new investment option, regardless of titles assigned to it. With its proper use, we would have a less process of expansion toward the West Zone, giving to the Rio a efficient urban development, integrator and spending few public resources, resulting in a territory less dispersed and more egalitarian. The lack of investment in AP 3 has brought, besides the widespread abandonment, tragic consequences not only for the 38 per cent of the population carioca living there, but also for the entire city, which bears the overall expenditure of the municipality. Carioca population grew between 2000 and 2010 from 5,857,904 to 6,320,446 inhabitants, and the population density grew from 4880.37 to 5265.81 hab/square km. Analyzing the five planning areas, we observed a population growth across all APs in the nineties, but the representative of each one in the citys total population was redistributed. The AP 3, which concentrates most of the population of Rio, had a dicrease from 40.20 per cent to 37.96 per cent hab/square km, while the West Zone had a considerable increase in that number. The West Zone (Barra da Tijuca, Recreio dos Bandeirantes, Jacarepaguá e Vargens) is the area that received the most investments and incentives to be occupied, with only 14.39 per cent of the population residing there. There is still no efficient system of sewerage, transport, sidewalks and street paving. Nevertheless, we can see that area envolving more and more, causing a collapse not only within the limits of the West Zone, but also affecting the traffic throughout the city. In contrast, AP 3, with nearly 38 per cent of the municipal population, has been losing its representativity, due to the lack of policies to encourage the attraction of new residents and provide better services to the current. A city like Rio de Janeiro, where there is still no efficient mass transport, should be more compact and its residents served by quality services in short rays, eliminating the dependence on shifts that require the use of own vehicles. The consequences of urban sprawl is what we see nowadays, like the constant traffic jams, due to the dependence of vehicles from those who live in areas furthest from downtown, the high cost of deployment transportation system to meet these new areas, need for sanitation base infrastructure, paving and lighting. The big question is, if there is a region still largely in its horizontal and already endowed with infrastructure, as the AP 3, investments in development and attracting new residents would be a way to save public money and take advantage from the current urban area of the city, contributing to a truly sustainable development. Rio de Janeiro does not have more growth cluttered spaces and building in prime areas are increasingly rare. Seeing the AP 3 as a growth vector of Rio is an economical way to have an efficient and inclusive urban development. This need has been ratified by legislation through the Complementary Law 111/11, which determined the incentive of that area and some adjacent. AP 3, because of its size and diversity, demands varied solutions, but the common denominator is the need to stimulate the formal residential occupation, urbanization, retrenchment in slums, the recovery of peripheral areas to them, that has been assuming characteristics of informality, and improving the infrastructure and quality of the transport system. There are many obsolete and underutilized areas that will enable a transformation in the way of inhabiting the city. If there is a global awareness of the urban territory, either in Rio de Janeiro or any other city in the world, the concept of sustainable growth is meaningless, with neighborhoods rising, developing and dying, wasting past spending and future spending provoking. Cities can not continue with thoughts segregatórios class and should be properly used and maintained, valuing its past and controlling the growth process on expensive areas untouched, becoming an integrated environment and easy to be used and administered. Despite this negative picture, a more attentive enough to discover the enormous economic potential of the AP 3. The housing market in certain spots is heated and there are high expectations of its expansion with new public and private investments that are occurring. Life in neighborhoods still retains an aspect of good neighborliness, preserving a quality of life now lost in the more developed districts of the city. We can already notice a special attention to the region, with new public and private investment, with little prospect of improvement in visibility and consolidation of growth vector proposed by the current master plan.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:56:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elisandra Felix Vieira.pdf: 1657483 bytes, checksum: eb7fd84e293cdad229033a4de94385d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aimed to grasp the senses and meanings that outlying public school teachers constitute for the difficulties and challenges they faced in their profession as well as how, according to them, these problems affect their ways of thinking, feeling and acting. Nowadays, teachers work is affected by proletarization, precarization and intensification of work, since they act in organizations with low budgets, doing a variety of functions that are not directly related to their profession, with rare opportunities of continuing professional development and, moreover, having to double or triple their daily schedule in order to make a paltry salary. Given this situation, we found it necessary to understand how these hardships affect teaching, more specifically that of Cristina, a teacher within the public school network of the municipality of São Paulo, in a Unified Educational Centre (CEU). From her narrative, as well as those of six other educators, it was possible to identify different indicators of subjective senses in these educational situations. Through articulation of the speeches, significations were identified that were gleaned as part of a dialectically determined society by means of social mediation, forming a picture that is, as the actual literature frequently points out, probably shared by the teaching professionals. The data obtained was analyzed according to the procedure suggested by Aguiar e Ozella (2006, 2013) and named Nuclei of Significations. In light of theoretical and analytical assumptions of sociocultural psychology and its main categories of analysis (historicity, mediation, thought, speech, senses and meanings), the results revealed that the distance between what is expected of the teachers and the little that they are offered in terms of resources and training has created feelings of abandonment and the desire to abscond from their professional responsibilities, as well as indifference and depersonalization, resulting from institutional problems which oppress them, producing an incapability to theorize beyond what they experienced and to understand the historical, political and economic determinations that impoverish the teaching career. Restricted by a precarious initial and continuous professional formation and by the limits of time and economic resources, the teachers need to be satisfied to teach at a level that is hardly related to pedagogical scientific knowledge / O presente estudo tem como objetivo compreender quais são os sentidos e significados que professores atuando em escolas de periferia constituem para as dificuldades e desafios encontrados em sua profissão e a maneira como, segundo eles, tais percalços afetam sua forma de pensar, sentir e agir. O trabalho docente na atualidade, em termos de processo, é afetado pela proletarização, precarização e intensificação do trabalho, uma vez que os docentes não estão isentos de trabalhar em estruturas organizacionais com baixos recursos, exercendo uma multiplicidade de funções alheias a sua formação, com escassas oportunidades de desenvolvimento profissional e, no mais das vezes, tendo que duplicar ou triplicar sua jornada de trabalho para fazer jus a um salário menos que razoável. Inseridos nesta lógica precária, achamos oportuno entender como esses percalços afetam o trabalho docente, especificamente o de uma professora da rede pública de São Paulo, que exerce sua profissão em um Centro Educacional Unificado (CEU). De seu relato, bem como do de outros seis educadores, foi possível identificar diferentes indicadores de sentidos subjetivos configurados nessas situações educacionais. A articulação das falas revela significações que são apreendidas como parte dialeticamente determinada da totalidade via mediações sociais, formando um retrato que é, possivelmente, compartilhado pelo coletivo profissional do magistério, como aponta, com frequência, a literatura atual. Os dados obtidos foram analisados de acordo com o procedimento de análise e interpretação proposto por Aguiar e Ozella (2006; 2013), núcleos de significações. À luz dos pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos da Psicologia Sócio-Histórica, e subsidiados pelas principais categorias de análise que sustentam o referencial adotado (historicidade, mediação, pensamento e linguagem, sentidos e significados), os resultados obtidos desta pesquisa revelaram que a distância entre o que se espera dos docentes e o pouco que lhes é oferecido em termos de recursos e formações têm produzido neles sentimentos de abandono e fuga frente às responsabilidades profissionais que lhes competem, além de indiferença e despersonalização, fruto das mazelas institucionais que os oprimem, produzem a incapacidade de sair do empírico e compreender as determinações históricas, políticas e econômicas que empobrecem a carreira do magistério. Restritos por uma formação inicial precária e pelas limitações de tempo e de recursos financeiros, os docentes precisam satisfazer-se em desempenhar uma docência pouco articulada ao conhecimento científico pedagógico