Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Political Science, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

The history of Taiwan has formed the developed structure of Taiwan cities, policies of industry development caused the main markets focusing in north Taiwan, generating the problem of uneven development between regions. This article adopts ¡§New Economic Geography¡¨ proposed by Krugman to discuss the differences between north region and south region in Taiwan. Moreover, this article extends the issue to real estate market and researches the influence of industrial clusters, transportation construction, labor market and migration of employed population. The empirical results indicate that money supply, industrial cluster and the construction of transportation will affect the development of regional house prices.

The purpose of the thesis is to examine future international relations in the Arctic as a theoretical exercise based on realism and liberalism. As the ice cap shrinks, and the region's environment changes, developing costs will decrease allowing for resource-extraction while new transit routes emerge. The opportunities to develop resources and ship via the Arctic are economic and strategically valuable, altering the geopolitics of the region. This thesis seeks to explore how resource development and new transit routes will affect regional politics through the lens of two theories. The two theoretical approaches will examine states and actors' interests and possible actions. Concluding, that realism will best describe the Arctic as states strive to be the regional hegemon by controlling transit routes and resources or defending the regional status quo, creating tension and a security competition between the U.S., China, and Russia. States will jockey for position within institutions before the ice cap disappears and transit routes emerge. These states seek to grow regional governance in their favor, providing support for a liberal framework, and possibly creating a structure strong enough to reduce tension before states strive to be the Arctic hegemon.

Presented diploma paper defines the phenomenon of school of rural renewal through four case studies that illustrate different approaches to this institution, and through their comparison. The empirical research is based on a theory development including definition of key words; rural areas, rural problems and rural renewal being among them. Analyzing interviews with the schools' representatives together with documentation study lead to conducting four examples of schools of rural renewal presenting four strategies for rural renewal. Despite having different approaches to the same topic, they correspond in several characteristics: they are a municipality project, they share the common idea of introducing further education to the regional politics and the target group is defined as the municipality officers. Major development of the phenomenon of schools of rural renewal was experienced in 1990's, when they meant a large contribution to the rural stakeholders' acquirements and capacity building. Keywords Schools of rural renewal, rural renewal program, rural renewal, rural development, rural areas, countryside

本研究以台灣地區（包括台北市、高雄市與台灣省）為範圍，鄉鎮市區為基本單元，1989年到1995年的立法委員選舉為標的，使用人文區位研究途徑，來分析區域發展與政黨競爭之間的關係。在代表政黨競爭的自變項上，分別以各政黨在立法委員選舉中的得票率競爭程度，以及各政黨的得票率為變數。至於描述區域發展的自變項上，主要可分成兩個部分。橫斷面上由自然區位因素（包括都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、藍領階級比例、年輕人口比例、外省人口比例），以及政治區位因素（包括決算補助比例、縣市票源凝聚程度、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度、縣市地方派系強度虛擬變項、鄉鎮市區派系強度虛擬變項）作為自變項。在縱剖面上，則以時間的虛擬變項作為自變項，以反映長期的影響因素。在以各政黨當屆立委得票率為依變項時，則再加入當屆省市議員與上屆立法委員各政黨的得票率，來測量選舉慣性的影響力。 此外，並分別由區分為三個集群的集群面，以及整體面來進行迴歸分析。 研究結果發現，在各模型中較為重要而顯著的變數都與假設方向一致。其中都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、年輕人口比例，以及縣市票源凝聚程度會升高政黨競爭程度；而決算補助比、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度，以及縣市級地方派系則會減弱政黨競爭程度。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況，以及縣市票源凝聚程度對國民黨得票率不利，而外省人口比例則由1992年之前的有利，轉向為1995年的不利；但決算補助比例、縣市級地方派系強，以及鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度都對國民黨得票率有利。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況以及縣市票源凝聚程度對民進黨得票率有利；而外省人口比例、決算補助比，以及鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度則對民進黨得票率不利。都市化程度、工商業場所單位經營狀況、外省人口比例，以及年輕人口比例，均對新黨得票率有利；決算補助比、鄉鎮市區票源凝聚程度，以及各級地方派系不論強弱，均對新黨得票率不利。 在合併時間序列的分析上，隨著時間的推演，政黨得票率競爭程度也隨之升高，同時對國民黨得票率愈來愈不利，而對民進黨得票率愈來愈有利。此外不論是對哪一個政黨的得票率來說，選舉慣性因素的影響力都相當顯著。不過不同選舉還是有所不同，以同類型的選舉影響較大。 另一方面，經由對R 值的觀察，我們也發現政治區位因素在多數的情況下，其解釋力會大於自然區位因素。同時區位因素最適合用以解釋新黨的得票率，不過整體而言多數模型都有解釋力愈來愈高的趨勢，顯示近年來區域發展因素對於政黨競爭的解釋力較過去提升不少。 最後，透過區分集群的方式，有助於突顯出特定區域類型，以表現出其中更為強烈或更為微弱的，區域發展與政黨競爭之間的關係。可避免僅就整體面進行分析，使這些集群的特性消失，反倒不易瞭解區域發展與政黨競爭之間的真正關係的缺失。 第一章　緒論 壹、政黨競爭與選舉 貳、台灣的選舉競爭：國民黨的控制與反對黨的興起 參、選舉研究：個體或總體 肆、區域與區域發展 伍、台灣的區域發展：進步但不均衡 陸、區域發展與政黨競爭 第二章 文獻檢閱 壹、區域發展與人文區位指標 貳、選舉競爭與總體資料研究 參、整合性研究的需要 第三章 理論架構與研究方法 壹、研究範圍與內容 貳、研究架構與假設 參、變數建構與資料來源 肆、統計方法 第四章 變數的典型相關與鄉鎮市區的集群分析 壹、典型相關分析 貳、集群分析 參、依變項在整體面與集群面上之觀察 肆、討論與小結 第五章 區域發展因素對政黨競爭的影響－集群面的觀察 壹、第一集群的分析結果 貳、第二集群的分析結果 參、第三集群的分析結果 肆、討論與小結 第六章 區域發展因素對政黨競爭的影響－整體面的觀察 壹、影響政黨得票率競爭程度的區域發展因素研究 貳、影響政黨得票率的區域發展因素研究 參、整體面與集群面的比較 參、討論與小結 第七章 結論 壹、研究回顧與成果 貳、檢討與建議 參考書目 附錄一 國內以人文區位指標進行區域發展研究的相關論文列表 附錄二 國內以人文區位途徑進行選舉研究的相關論文列表 附錄三 各變數之相關係數、平均數與標準差 附錄四 各迴歸分析詳細列表 附錄五 各變數資料 / The thesis is an ecological analysis of competition between major parties (the KMT, DPP, and NP) in the 1989, 1992, and 1995 elections for Taiwan's Legislative Yuan. The unit of analysis is the "Hsiang" (rural township), "Chen" (urban township), "Shih" (county city), or "Ch'u" (precict), and we separate all of the local area units into three clusters to obtain the ecological determinants of the degree of competition between major parties. We explore the relative influence of ecological conditions of local units on the election returns over the six year period. The results of regression analysis indicate that major significant variables are in accordance with theoretical assumptions. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, high percentage of youth in the population, and high degree of voting consistency in a county can raise the degree of competition between major parties, but a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, law degree of voting consistency in a township, and strong county factions can reduce it. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, and degree of voting consistency in a county have influence on the percentage of the vote lost by the KMT's candidates, and percentage of the budget from subsidies and strong local county factions influence the percentage of the vote won by the KMT's candidates. A high percentage of mainlanders contributes to the KMT's vote share before 1992, but becomes disadvantageous in 1995. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, and degree of voting consistency in a county are beneficial to the DPP, but a high percentage of mainlanders, a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, and a high degree of voting consistency in a township are harmful to it. Urbanization, development of industry and commerce, a high percentage of mainlanders, and a high percentage of youth in the population have a positive influence on the NP's vote, but a high percentage of the budget from subsidies, a high degree of voting consistency in a township, and strong local factions have a negative influence towards it. Longitudinal analyses find that the time factor intensifies the degree of competition between major parties in favor of the DPP. Electoral inertia, or the retrospective effects of the last election, has a powerful influence on the vote share of the KMT, DPP, and NP. Also the same type of elections has more influence than different types. Finally, through clusters analyses we can identify various types of groups which reveal various relationships between development of regions and competition between major parties.