The purpose of this thesis is not only to trace the diplomatic activities of the Confederate government with its neighbor, Mexico, during the period 1861 to 1865, but to evaluate these diplomatic efforts as to their practical consequences on behalf of the Confederate cause.

My purpose is to sketch briefly the diplomatic background of the existing relations between France and Germany from 1871 to 1939. I have told the story chronologically, because I believe that we must follow events as they unfold themselves if we are to understand why statesmen made their decisions. I have attempted to mass all the important facts that I could find on Franco-German Diplomatic Relations from 1871 to 1939 without self-interests or prejudices to either of the two nations. My intentions were to seek a general knowledge of the drift of Franco-German Diplomatic affairs during this period of seventy years.

South Africa is seen as a major destination for refugees and asylum-seekers and is, according to the 2010 Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the world’s highest destination country for asylum-seekers, mainly from Sub-Saharan Africa. Following the 1994 democratic elections, there was a transformation in foreign policy, embracing the African Agenda, and South Africa became a major country of destination because of its relative prosperity in Africa. As a State Party to the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention on the Status of Refugees, South Africa is under a legal obligation to protect refugees and grant them legal rights. At the same time, South African citizens, who had legitimate aspirations that the 1994 democratic government would address their development challenges, opposed the significant flow of refugees into the country by violent acts of xenophobia. The government, seen as a moral authority internationally with human rights being a key principle underpinning its foreign policy, found itself between the promotion of the African Agenda and its commitments to its own citizens. The refugee issue was addressed in the United Nations where the government made multilateral diplomacy a central platform of its foreign policy, a policy embedded in Africa and the South. South Africa is used as a case study to determine how it used multilateral diplomacy in the United Nations refugee regime through its coalition, the African Group, to address the migration issue. The study draws out the weaknesses of the international refugee regime by discussing the roles of two important diplomatic actors: the sovereign states in the United Nations General Assembly, and the international organization mandated to supervise the international refugee regime, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. South Africa’s foreign policy objective of promoting the African Agenda at times conflicts with the promotion of its national interest. Its progressive Constitution (1996) provides economic, social, and cultural rights to refugees, to the resentment of its own citizens, who view the refugees as beneficiaries of the United Nations. The study provides a critical analysis of South Africa’s multilateral diplomacy, and also provides the following recommendations where South Africa could use this mode more effectively to address the migration issue: Reform the international refugee regime; Allocate funds from the United Nations regularly assessed budget to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; and, Develop an international normative regulatory framework for irregular migrants. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / Unrestricted

The United States, during both the Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan administrations, pursued humanitarian relief in the Horn of Africa and East Africa with an eye towards Cold War politics. During the Carter administration the focus was on Ethiopia and the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam, while during the Reagan administration the United States’ efforts were mainly targeted towards Sudan and the regime of Gaffar Nimeiry. In both instances, the United States was concerned with the politics of the Cold War, trying to create a more positive image of the U.S. abroad by relieving world hunger, while also propping up governments that supported U.S. interests during the Cold War against the Soviet Union.

研究方法採取歷史研究法，研究目的在於增進國人對東南亞區域了解。 第一章內環境因素。包括社會結構、民族社義、民主與政治穩定共三節。第二章美國 與菲律賓─不平等但親密的夥伴。包括特殊關係的支配、經濟的利益、共同安全與軍 事防衛、基地問題共四節。第三章參與東南亞次體系的活動。包括沙巴要求權、亞洲 政策、區域組織與區域主義共三節。第四章衝突的國際範圍。包括韓戰、外交政策的 轉向、回教徙的叛亂與外交政策、越單共四節。最後結論，對菲律賓外交政策加以評 估。

本論文第一章前言，分三節說明研究動機與目的、研究方法與架構、研究資料與限制 。第二章圍堵理論提出的背景，第一節美國傳統外交政策的轉變，第二節杜魯門主義 與匿名「Ｘ」的文章。第三節肯楠的思想體系。第三章探討圍堵理論的內容及其所引 起的爭論、肯南的答辯、及筆者本人的評估。第四章檢美國政府的圍堵政策，並以尼 克森政府為粉水嶺探討七○年代的美國是否仍沿續圍堵政策。第五章肯楠圍堵理論的 演變與修正。第六章結論，評估圍堵理論及展望未來的可行性。

This dissertation argues that through a secret backchannel, US National Security Adviser and later Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Soviet Ambassador to the US Anatoly Dobrynin formed a relationship which provided the empathy needed to bridge many of the ideological differences between their two countries. It examines transcripts of their telephone conversations from 1969-1977 when the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in detente, or a relaxation of tensions, during the Cold War. The dissertation concludes that the Kissinger-Dobrynin backchannel serves as a case study of the effectiveness of back channels in international diplomacy.

Ce mémoire étudie les origines de l’engagement des combattants de nationalité française en faveur de la sécession du Katanga (1960-63), au moment de l’indépendance du Congo belge. Recrutés pour s’opposer à l’Armée nationale congolaise et aux Casques bleus de l’ONU qui cherchent à faire réintégrer la province par la force, ces hommes aguerris par quinze années de guerre contre-insurrectionnelle vont s’avérer être les éléments clefs du dispositif militaire katangais. Centrée sur les « conditions objectives » de l’action plutôt que sur ses « fondements psychologiques », notre étude vise à mettre en lumière les « forces profondes » au gré desquelles l’intervention des « affreux » a pris forme. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la trajectoire de trois figures remarquables du point de vue de l'historiographie de l'engagement armé international : Roger Trinquier, Roger Faulques et Bob Denard. Inspirée de la sociologie du champ intellectuel et militant dont elle contribue à montrer la pertinence pour l’étude du fait militaire transnational, notre recherche soutient que le sens de l'engagement ne peut être saisi qu'en replaçant la trajectoire de ces hommes au sein des différents niveaux de contexte dans lesquels elle s’est réalisée. Notre mémoire montre que le recours aux « affreux » coïncide avec le recul des vieilles puissances coloniales sur la scène internationale et avec l'affirmation des nouveaux acteurs que sont les États-Unis, l'URSS et l'ONU. L'engagement de ces hommes, dépourvus de statut officiel, apparaît pour la France comme un moyen détourné de maintenir en Afrique des intérêts et une influence contraire à la dynamique des indépendances. / This thesis studies the case of three French combatants engaged in favor of the secession of Katanga (1960-1963), in the wake of Belgian Congo’s independence. These men were recruited to fight against the Congolese army and UN peacekeepers as those latter sought to reintegrate by force the province into a united Congo. Hardened by a decade of counter-insurgency warfare, the few dozens of French “affreux” proved to be key figures in the Katangese military apparatus. The thesis is informed by recent work in the sociology of intellectual and activist fields, and confirms the relevance of these methodologies in the study of transnational military service. Focusing on the objective conditions that structure practice rather than on the psychological dimensions of action, this research highlights the “deep forces” according to which the intervention of the “affreux” was shaped. The trajectories of these men are examined across the varying levels of context within which they took place: the history of decolonization and of the Cold War; the rapports between old European nations and emerging world powers regarding Africa; the principles, rules and rationale characterizing the foreign policy of France under the Fifth Republic. Our thesis reveals that the use of the “affreux” coincides with the decline of old colonial powers and with the affirmation of new players such as the United States, the Soviet Union and the UN on the international stage. The engagement of these men, without any official status, appears to France as a roundabout way to keep in place some of its interests and influence in Africa.

The thesis discusses Czechoslovak-Iranian relationships during 1953-1979. Several thematically organized chapters deal with policy and diplomatic relations after the fall of Mosaddeq in 1953, the support of Tudeh party, cultural relations and intelligence activities of above mentioned countries. Relationships between them had been cooled after the beginning of the communist era in Czechoslovakia and it got worse after the Mosaddeq overthrow - mostly due to Czechoslovakian support of persecuted Iranian Tudeh party. However, due to Czechoslovakian business opportunities in Iran, the relations from the 1960 improved and led to the state visits in the 1970. Nevertheless, as well as with other countries, nearly all dealings were interrupted after the Islamic revolution in 1979. The thesis is primarily based on archive sources from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The National Archive, and The Security Forces Archive as well as on a professional literature. This diploma thesis brings new historical evidence in the area of Czechoslovak-Iranian relationships through processing, for the time being, almost unexplored topic of Czechoslovakian diplomacy and relations with Iran.

Alexane Said MASTER'S THESIS Iran and the United States' Relations in the Context of the Nuclear Deal Abstract _____________________________________________________________________________________________________ This study analyses the evolution of relations between Iran and the United States by applying the theories of realism, liberalism and the theoretical concept of strategic culture on their contest for power, control and sovereignty. From strategic partners to strategic enemies and back to pragmatic tolerance, both countries have maintained a troublesome relationship which entered a new era of cooperation with the implementation of the Nuclear Deal in January 2016. This deal is a geopolitical breakthrough that should improve the relations between the two countries as it is in both their strategic interests to collaborate. With sanctions removal and by choosing the diplomatic route, Iran can get access to a larger trade and investors' market which could help its economy tremendously and could be seen as an important international actor. Moreover, since the deal allows for the supervision and investigation of Iran's uranium facilities, this allows for greater transparency, profitable for the US and the international community. After the Nuclear Deal implementation, American and Iranian actions on the...