Disinformation poses a clear security threat to institutions and society as a whole, as it has been shown to increase insecurity, radicalization and polarization. Currently, there are many different understandings of this phenomenon which creates barriers to finding solutions. The initial objective of this thesis is to provide an overview of the different conceptions in order to formulate an inclusive understanding of disinformation. This will then be used to test three hypotheses: that disinformation is not a new phenomenon, that it is not only state sponsored, and that technology has allowed for the recent inundation in campaigns. Through a case study analysis this thesis concluded that not only were all of these hypotheses verifiable, but that based on the discussion, it can be expected that disinformation will become increasingly prevalent. The finding suggest that it will be possible for even non-securitized actors to start campaigns, making them harder to identify. Additionally, technology will allow narratives to be increasingly targeted. These narratives are amplified by the systemic problems with social media that benefit outrage and shocking content. The thesis concluded that it may be possible to address disinformation proactively.

The contemporary topic and fear of information attacks making their way and altering the course of democratic elections is a common one for many nations at current times. New technologies, cyberspace, and the increasing risk of hybrid warfare, as well as the little and vague regulation present to manage these, pose an intimidating threat to nations trying to uphold their liberal democratic values; and the nations taking advantage of this new-found form of influence are well aware of this. This thesis centres on the topic of disinformation campaigns by the Russian state in foreign elections, namely those of Spain, Brazil, and Mexico. Particularly, it analyses the response policies from these nations, along with coordinated institutions, as a means of addressing these threats. Taking inspiration from Constructivist theory, and making use of the tools of comparative research, this paper conducts a thorough but straightforward analysis, searching for answers to its research question, and ultimately arriving at logic-founded conclusions regarding the importance of context in policy analysis, and the study of global security, and more importantly how its role is explained on the cases at hand.

This quantitative study investigates the public perception of media reporting on disinformation campaigns targeted at Sweden. Through a structured questionnaire survey administered to participants aged 18-65, the study examines the level of awareness regarding recent disinformation campaigns towards the nation, the primary sources of news consumption, and the perceived adequacy of media coverage regarding the campaigns. The collected data from 141 respondents, are analyzed based on demographic variables such as age, gender, and level of education. The findings reveal variations in awareness levels across different age groups and gender identities, with younger age groups demonstrating higher awareness levels compared to older participants in the survey. The study also examines the perceived trustworthiness of news sources, including whether news reporting on the disinformation campaigns is considered more credible when it comes from traditional media compared to social media. The results from the survey are discussed in relation to the study's theoretical framework with foundations in media science and social psychology. This study contributes to the understanding of how individuals perceive media reporting on contemporary disinformation campaigns towards Sweden.

Online disinformation is a complicated and controversial phenomenon that is proving to be a large challenge for governments, private sector bodies, and civil society groups in a variety of different contexts around the globe. Foreign influence operations conducted through online disinformation campaigns have been implemented in various contexts with the intention to create political instability within these targeted nations. This thesis examines the question: What education policy initiatives are being implemented and/or already exist in the United States and Finland in an effort to make themselves more resilient to transnational online disinformation campaigns? Various policy documents that concern education legislation are analyzed through Bacchi’s (2009) ‘What’s the Problem Represented to be?’ approach. Concepts associated with the Securitization theory and Buzan’s (1998) security analysis framework were applied to the content of these documents in order assess whether the reasoning or discourse associated with the introduction of critical media literacy programs was related to counteracting the threat of one foreign disinformation. Results indicated that there were many differences in how and why the United States and Finland implemented media literacy programs. There are indications that the perceived threat of foreign disinformation campaigns is one of the main justifications for the United States and Finland to introduce or improve national media literacy policies. This work allows other researchers to see these differences in approaches and how they relate to the international communities’ efforts toward utilizing media literacy as a security measure against disinformation.

This thesis highlighted how disinformation campaigns on social media platforms and news outlets were used as tools to influence Swedish public diplomacy. To accomplish this, it aimed to answer the following research question “How are disinformation campaigns, through social media platforms and news outlets, impacting Sweden’s public diplomacy?”. The thesis applied two case studies, the first being a domestic context consisting of the Swedish Social Services (SSS) and the Swedish Care of Young Persons (Special Provisions) Act (LVU), and the second an international context being Sweden applying for a NATO membership. The analysis utilized a sociotechnical approach interpreting newspaper article, social media posts, and reports that made up the empirical material. In addition, an analytical framework, divided into three thematic sections, was used for the analysis. The thematic sections consisted of 1) background of the case; 2) the disinformation campaigns that were conducted including the actors involved; 3) the Swedish public diplomatic response based on Joseph Nye’s theory about political power and public diplomacy. The thesis discovered that both the domestic and international context impacted Sweden’s public diplomacy, where the government and governmental agencies took measures that they previously had not. Furthermore, it discovered that news outlets and social platforms could not be viewed as two separate entities when conducting disinformation campaigns, but instead as an additional third entity. Lastly, the thesis found the two cases to be similar, despite their different contexts, as disinformation campaigns often build on previous rumors.