A subject of this diploma thesis is civic enegaement in a period of dissent, specifically in the period of 70's - 90's of twentieth century. The emhasis is on the female role in dissent and subseqent cross-over in next generation. Subjects of research are offsprings of dissidents and fighters with regime. The goal of this work is to find out an influance of subject's growth in activist family and to specify their attitude to civic engagement. In theoretical part, different view on civic engagement, the period of dissent and the role of women in dissent are presented. I also familiarise theoretical concept of values and attitudes and how they are transferred from genetarion to generation. The empirical part presents the results of the research and the findings, which were obtained by an interwies with respondents as a one of qualitative research methods. In resume of the thess the results are summarized achieved goals.

This thesis aims to address how COVID-19 restrictions affected dissent events in autocracies and electoral autocracies. To do so relies on the combination of the grievances and resource mobilization theories. During the COVID-19 pandemic, autocracies and electoral autocracies have implanted restrictive civil liberties policies justified by the necessity to reduce the spread of the virus and the challenging situation. These policies have affected people’s lives and dissent events. The study found a negative relationship between the COVID-19 restrictions and dissent in 2020 compared to 2021. To test this relationship, I used the V-dem v11.1 dataset. Since I wanted to get a bigger picture of the relationship, I used the results of the LNA to select a typical case among countries in Southeast-East Asia. I relied on the Philippines case to test the causal mechanism theorized and tested whether the negative relationship was in place. The results showed that the number of protests in the Philippines decreased in 2020 and 2021 compared to 2019. Using the ACLED dataset, I found that grievances and ICT mobilization were present without leading to an increase in dissent events. Additionally, while ACLED accounted for a digital form of protest, V-dem v11.1 did not. This result leads me to conclude that the results from the LNA might be subjected to a measurement error. Further research is thus required to address the relationship better.

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In this paper, we determine whether illegal hunting should be construed as a crime of dissent. Using the Nordic countries as a case study where protest-driven, illegal hunting of protected wolves is on the rise, we reconsider the crime using principles of civil disobedience. We invoke the conditions of intentionality, nonevasion, dialogic effort, non-violence and appeal to parameters of reasonable disagreement about justice and situate the Nordic illegal hunting phenomenon at a nexus between conscientious objection, assisted disobedience and everyday resistance. This examination leads us to contend that the crime has heretofore received an inadequate response limited to punishment and deterrence. This contention finds support in the worsening predicaments of illegal hunting following harsh sanctions and stigmatization. Although hunters publicize injustices through their crimes, we find that killing wolves as a means to deliberative ends disqualifies hunters’ dissent as legitimate disobedience, creating an obligation of deliberative uptake on the part of society. Nonetheless, in a critical contribution to the field of criminal justice, we argue that it is instead the conditions of deliberative suboptimality experienced by hunters that create this obligation of uptake. Hence, in order to fulfill this obligation, we contend that the burden falls on regulatory agencies to better articulate the justifications for the policies that coerce hunters. We also advocate creating novel institutions to provide hunters with effective opportunities for contesting wildlife conservation directives.

The diploma thesis deals with the relationship of the Solidarity movement with the Catholic Church in Poland until 1989 and the manifestations of this relationship in Czech samizdat periodicals. The researched periodicals are Lidové noviny, Informace o Charte 77 and Informace o církvi. The thesis presents the situation of the Polish civil opposition, especially in the 1980s. Much of the work is devoted to the Solidarity movement. Not only important milestones of this movement are presented here, but to some extent also its sociological profile. In addition to the civic opposition, the situation of the Catholic Church in Poland is described with emphasis on the circumstances and events that built the relationship between the Church and the stateas well as between the Church and the Solidarity movement. Due to the profile of the work, one of the chapters also deals with dissent in the then Czechoslovakia, both civic and Catholic. The researched periodicals have a samizdat character, so one of the chapters is dedicated to this form of written text and the author explains the reasons for choosing the three mentioned samizdat titles. Quantitative and qualitative analysis was used to find answers to research questions. Both analyzes and conditions created by the author for the inclusion of certain...

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<p>This dissertation argues that humour not only constitutes a central aesthetic strategy within contemporary mass media, but can also be understood as a form of cultural production that is central to how we understand our world as a site of value and politics. Drawing on an understanding of liberalism as a politics of “reasonable dissent,” I investigate how humour is thought to operate as an exemplary form of this politics through a consideration of popular and scholarly literature. I then complicate this theoretical and lay consensus regarding humour-as-dissent, through a consideration of the ways in which a range of specific filmic and televisual texts – <em>Jackass</em>, <em>The Office</em>, <em>The Sarah Silverman Program</em>, <em>The Chappelle Show</em>, <em>The Simpsons</em>, <em>South Park</em>, <em>Family Guy</em>, <em>The Daily Show with Jon Stewart</em>, <em>The Colbert Report </em>and <em>Four Lions</em> – produce an aesthetic of humour through the manipulation and mobilisation of textual strategies and affective registers, such as discomfort, absurdity and provocation. Questioning the easy understanding of humour as a means to challenge existing power structures, I instead argue that the currently dominant forms of media humour are better understood as a political aesthetic that opens up new avenues of understanding and critique even as it shuts down and short circuits previously tenable forms of political interpretation. Through an intertwining of close-reading of popular cultural texts and a critical engagement with wider theoretical models of media production and consumption, I thus propose that the aesthetic aspects of mass media, such as humour, can be understood as cultural precursors that inflect the ways in which we can imagine the problems and possibilities of contemporary politics.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)