The subject of the diploma thesis is a data completion and evaluation of the finds of copper tools and model tools in the 3rd Millennium BC, in the Early Dynastic Period, Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period, in Egypt and Nubia. The first part of the thesis contains subject definition, chronological and chorological definitions and short introduction in the copper metallurgy of Ancient Near East and Egypt in the examined periods. The thesis is based on the catalogue of the archaeological contexts, the description of method and structure is followed by the synthesis of facts about archaeological context of finds. The main part of the thesis is a register of tool classes, examining their chronology, morphology and selectively also the occurrence in other sources. The conclusion brings together the facts and delineates the role of copper tools and model tools in the Ancient Egyptian society of the examined periods.

Les prêtres sont une partie indissociable de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la société égyptienne. Parmi eux les prophètes avaient une grande importance dans le clergé égyptien. Leur étude nous permet non seulement une meilleure compréhension du sacerdoce égyptien, mais aussi une meilleure connaissance de la religion égyptienne. Concentrée sur l’époque thinite et l’Ancien Empire, notre recherche a fait l’examen exhaustif des titulaires des prêtrises divines afin de comprendre les mécanismes de l’obtention de celle-ci et les fonctions déléguées aux prophètes. L’examen de sources nous a parmi d’attester une relation entre fonction civile et prêtrise divine qui est étudiée en détail. Nous discuterons la chronologie des prêtrises, les divinités concernées et la nature de ses titulaires. Nous interrogeons sur l’obtention et la transmission de la prêtrise divine. Enfin, nous poserons la question sur les lieux d’exercice de la fonction sacerdotale, ainsi que sur ce que celle-ci devait être. / The priests were an inseparable part of the organisation and functioning of the Egyptian society. Among them the prophets were one of the most important for the Egyptian clergy. The study of them allows us not only a better comprehension ofthe Egyptian priesthood but also a better knowledge of the Egyptian religion. Focused on the Early dynastic period and the Old Kingdom our research examinedthe holders of the divine priesthoods in order to understand the ways of having andobtaining it. The study of the sources allowed us to attest a relation between the civil service and the divine priesthood. We discussed the priesthood’s chronology, the mentioned gods and its holders. We question about its obtainment and transmission. At last, we focused on finding the place of exercise of the priesthood and its significance.

This thesis investigates representations of dynastic legitimacy and imperial power in the later Roman Empire (AD 284-337). It explores the continuity and change in expressions of dynastic legitimacy by, for and about the emperors of this period, which were presented in coinage, panegyrics, and other literary and material evidence. I argue that familial relationships were used throughout this period to make legitimation claims or to counter claims made by rivals, rejecting the notion of clear breaks between the third century, the Tetrarchy and the reign of Constantine. The Tetrarchy’s creation of familial links through adoption and marriage led to a web of inter-familial relationships that they and later emperors used in promoting their own claims to imperial legitimacy. At the same time, the presentation of these imperial colleges as harmonious co-rulership relied heavily on the adaptation of pre-existing strategies, which in turn would be adapted by the emperors of the early fourth century. This thesis proceeds roughly chronologically, focusing on the regimes of individual emperors and their collaborators when possible. Chapter 1 examines the creation of the Tetrarchy as an extended ‘family’ and the adaptation of ideologies of third-century co-rulership. Chapter 2 explores the changes in the Second Tetrarchy, with an especial focus on the ‘Iovian’ family of Galerius and Maximinus Daza. Chapter 3 looks at Maxentius’ claims to both ‘retrospective’ and ‘prospective’ dynastic legitimacy. Chapter 4 examines Licinius’ legitimacy both as a co-ruler and brother-in-law of Constantine, and as the beginning of a new ‘Iovian’ dynasty. Chapter 5 delves deeper into the different claims to dynastic legitimacy made by Constantine over the course of his thirty-year reign. Taken together, these chapters offer a new approach by arguing against the dichotomy between ‘dynasty’ and ‘collegiality’ that tends to dominate scholarship of this period. Instead they focus on the similarities and continuities between the representations of imperial families and imperial colleges in order to understand how perceptions of dynastic legitimacy evolved in the third and fourth centuries.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:53:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fatima Goncalves.pdf: 1677130 bytes, checksum: 74a3eaa7b09ee54a61acb6b79371c3de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-07-24 / This thesis is on Roseana Sarney Murad s public and political construction, based on electoral campaigns to become federal deputy in 1990, to become governoress of the State of Maranhão in 1994 and, in 1998, to her re-election to this post. These are the moments of major visibility and intensification of public relations which in the meantime stay more subliminal. I take as empirical space what I denominate Dynastic Maranhão and the dynastic practices of the political power exerted by Roseana Sarney Murad. I study the symbolic construction of her authority and I investigate, to the extent possible, the permanence and reupdates of a political practice of regional power which tended to spread towards the center of power, but it still remains regional and regionalized, when it comes to talking about Roseana Sarney Murad s course of action between local region and national sphere. I reflect about political power in Maranhão, aiming to break up with the notion of a homogenous event. I consider it a practical act which creates facts in complex relations, by means of the relations of political sociability, as well as the political dimensions of the time of politics, by the apprehension of the strategies of production and of reproduction of the political domination and the forms of subjection. I strive to analyze the oscillations in the dynamics of the relations and co-relations of strengths in the specific work of reproduction of political domination, which allow to apprehend the equal dynamics in the process of construction and of reconstruction of Roseana Sarney Murad s political image, as well as in the process of maintenance of domination/subjection of the political practices of the Dynastic Maranhão. I take two axes which may be indicative of a shock in the king s castle : in 1994, when Roseana Sarney Murad (PFL/MA) almost lost the elections to the post of State Governoress, confronting in the second turn the candidate Epitácio Cafeteira (PPR); in 2002, when Roseana Sarney Murad was a member of the PFL running for the presidential elections and finds herself forced to give up her candidateship when faced with the so called Lunus scandal , in march of 2002, involving herself and her husband Jorge Murad. I construct my epistemic object crossed by various conjectures until I got to the fundamental question: the semiotic aspects of Roseana Sarney Murad s electoral campaigns, in 1994 and 1998, first going through her inaugural rite in the regional politics when she was elected federal deputy in 1990. / O presente trabalho trata da construção pública e política de Roseana Sarney Murad, com base nas campanhas eleitorais para deputada federal em 1990, para governadora do Estado do Maranhão em 1994 e, em 1998, para a sua reeleição ao cargo. Estes são os momentos de maior visibilidade e intensificação das relações políticas que em tempo cotidiano ficam mais subliminares. Tomo como espaço empírico o que denomino de Maranhão Dinástico e as práticas dinásticas de poder político exercido por Roseana Sarney Murad. Estudo a construção simbólica de sua autoridade e esquadrinho, na medida do possível, as permanências e reatualizações de uma prática política de poder regional que tendeu a se expandir para o centro do poder, mas ainda permanece regional e regionalizado, quando se trata do percurso de Roseana Sarney Murad entre a região e a esfera nacional. Reflito sobre poder político no Maranhão, buscando romper com a noção de um acontecimento homogêneo. Considero-o como ato prático que cria fatos em relações complexas, através das relações de sociabilidade política, bem como das dimensões políticas do tempo de política, pela apreensão das estratégias de produção e de reprodução da dominação política e das formas de sujeição. Busco analisar as oscilações na dinâmica das relações e correlações de força no trabalho específico de reprodução da dominação política, as quais permitem apreender a igual dinâmica no processo de construção e de reconstrução da figura política e pública de Roseana Sarney Murad, assim como no processo de manutenção da dominação/sujeição das práticas políticas do Maranhão Dinástico. Tomo dois eixos que podem ser indicativos de abalos na casa do rei : em 1994, quando Roseana Sarney Murad (PFL/MA) quase perde as eleições para o cargo de Governadora de Estado, enfrentando no 2º turno, Epitácio Cafeteira (PPR); em 2002, quando Roseana Sarney Murad é a candidata do PFL às eleições presidenciais e vêse obrigada a desistir da candidatura face ao chamado escândalo Lunus , em março de 2002, envolvendo-a e a seu marido, Jorge Murad. Construo o meu objeto epistêmico atravessado por várias conjecturas até chegar propriamente a questão fundamental: os aspectos semióticos das campanhas eleitorais de Roseana Sarney Murad, em 1994 e 1998, passando antes pelo seu rito inaugural na política regional ao ser eleita deputada federal em 1990.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier un ensemble de romans portant sur l’histoire dynastique,composés entre les années 1630 et les années 1730. Nous lisons ces œuvres à partir de la notion de monde impérial, en désignant par ce terme les représentations du réel où l’institution régnante sert de point de repère, aussi bien pour s’orienter dans l’espace et dans le temps, que pour expliquer les mouvements d’ordre et de désordre qui affectent l’ensemble des vies. L’objet central de cette étude est de saisir ce qui vacille et se transforme dans les manières d’ordonner des mondes impériaux au sein des romans composés durant cette période.Pour ce faire, nous nous proposons de relire ces œuvres à partir d’une série de ruptures qui travaillent les usages ou les conceptualisations de notions clés du discours néo-confucéen :les deux couples guo 國 et tianxia天下 (monde et dynastie), su 俗 et minjian 民間(vulgaire et populaire), et les trois notions de yanyi 演義 (développement du sens/ histoire exemplaire), zhi 知 (l’étape ultime du discernement) et gong 公(sens public). Une telle approche nous permet de mettre en évidence des liens qui restaient invisible dans le discours critique entre les romans sur l’histoire dynastique et un ensemble d’évolutions sociales et intellectuelles qui ont lieu entre les années 1630 et les années 1730, et qui touchent à des objets aussi divers que l’organisation spatiale et ethnique de l’empire, les formes d’activisme social, ou les termes dans lesquels sont pensés les discours moraux, et historiographiques.Corpus principal : Écrits oubliés des Sui (Suishi yiwen隨史遺文，préface 1633) ;Deuxième collection du Lac de l’ouest (Xihu erji 西湖二集, années 1640) ;Second bord de l’eau (Hou Shuihu zhuan後水滸傳，fin des Ming, début des Qing) ;Histoire exemplaire et vulgarisée du bûcheron (Qiaoshi tongsu yanyi樵史通俗演義, début desQing) ; Suite au bord de l’eau (Shuihu houzhuan水滸後傳，préface 1664) ; Histoire exemplaire des Sui et des Tang (Sui Tang yanyi隋唐演義, préface 1695) ;Histoire non-officielle des immortelles (Nüxian waishi女仙外史, préface 1711) ; Récit complet des Tang (Shuo Tang quanzhuan 說唐全傳, années 1730) / This dissertation deals with a set of novels about dynastic history written between the 1630sand the 1730s. My point of departure is the following : A) I study the way these novels structure representations of the imperial world – that is,representations of space, time, and social order that are organized in reference to the imperialinstitution.B) I reinsert these representations of the imperial world within contemporary ru (儒Neo-confucian) discourses. I do so by focusing on the way five notions or set of notions, thatare both central to ru discourses and to these novel are conceptualized and used : the twinnotions of guo (國 “imperial institution” / “country”) and tianxia (天下 “the world”) ; su (俗“vulgar”) and minjian (民間 “popular”); the notions of yanyi (演義 “development ofmeaning”, “exemplary narrative”); gong (公, “public”) ; and zhi (知 “moral recognition”). In doing so, this dissertation highlights a web of connections that were previouslyinvisible between novelistic representations of the imperial world and a set of evolutions withinthe ru world that are contemporary to the writing of these novels.Main primary sources : Forgotten Tales of the Sui (Suishi yiwen 隨史遺文，preface 1633) ; Second West Lake Collection (Xihu erji 西湖二集, ca1640) ; Second Water Margins (Hou shuihu zhuan後水滸傳 late Ming- early Qing ) ; Exemplary and Popularized History of the Woodcutter (Qiaoshi tongsu yanyi樵史通俗演義,early Qing) ; A sequel to the Water Margins, (Shuihu houzhuan水滸後傳，preface 1664) ; Exemplary History of the Sui and Tang ( Sui Tang yanyi 隋唐演義, preface 1695) ; Non-Official History of the Female Immortals (Nüxian waishi女仙外史, preface 1711) ; Complete History of the Tang (Shuo Tang quanzhuan說唐全傳, ca 1730)

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Durant le IVe millénaire, la Mésopotamie et ses voisins ont été reliés via un vaste réseau commercial, établi par des Urukéens lors de leur expansion en Iran et dans le Nord mésopotamien. À la fin du IVe et au début du IIIe, la Mésopotamie et ses voisins ont connu une phase de crise dont les causes nous sont toujours obscures en raison de l’absence des documents écrits remontant à cette phase. A cette phase, le réseau commercial urukéen et la colonisation urukéenne en Iran et en Mésopotamie du Nord, s’étant effondrés, les sites urukéens ont été abandonnés, ainsi qu’un grand nombre de sites indigènes qui ont été abandonnés. Le contact entre le Nord et le Sud mésopotamien fut suspendu. Pourtant, d’autres sites furent fondés que ce soit en Iran ou en Mésopotamie. Bien que la culture céramique mésopotamienne ne se soit modifiée profondément à cette phase cruciale, des traditions peintres réapparaissent soudainement alors que les Mésopotamiens les avaient abandonnées depuis 9 siècles (au Post-Obeid). Trois aires à céramique peinte apparaissent en Mésopotamie : en Irak du centre, de l’Est, du Nord (horizon de Ninive 5) et l’Iran a employé massivement la peinture. Cependant, le Sumer a conservé les traditions urukéennes qui ne connaissent pas de peinture. A noter que la peinture en Iran a été employée avant et durant l’expansion urukéenne. De plus, il semble avoir existé un corridor de contact reliant le West iranien aux trois zones à peinture en Mésopotamie. Mais comment peut-on expliquer ce phénomène de la réapparition de la peinture en Mésopotamie centrale et du Nord : s’agit-il des déplacements des groupes iraniens en Mésopotamie, ou des simples influences ? On ne peut pas traiter de la question de la fin du IVe/début du IIIe millénaire sans confronter, d’une part au problème concernant le destin des Urukéens. Ces derniers ont vécu plus de 4 siècles dans la périphérie durant l’expansion. Et d’autre part on est confronté au problème de la fondation des sites urbain aux touts début du 3e millénaire (Mari, Terqa, Kharab Sayyar et Chuera).Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons choisi des sites-clés en Iran et en Mésopotamie. Leur céramique (et d’autre matériel) est étudié tout d’abord dans leur position stratigraphique, site par site, puis selon leur répartition dans l’espace. Au même temps, cette étude strato-céramique a été combinée avec une étude portée sur les changements dans l’occupation dans l’espace (abandon et fondation) et sur les transformations culturelles, surtout en Iran du Nord-Ouest et de l’Ouest où le phénomène de l’expansion transcaucasienne s’étend jusqu’au Kermanshah et le Nord du Luristan dans le Zagros central).Basant sur des comparaisons céramiques et sur d’autres aspects archéologiques, nous avons tenté de corréler entre la stratigraphie des sites étudiés. Nous avons évité de faire d’un site ou d’une région le « centre du monde ». Nous avons plutôt regardé chaque site et région à partir de ses voisins. A la fin de chaque partie ou chapitre, nous avons relié entre les régions étudiées, du point de vue culturel, stratigraphique et occupationnel, pour tenter de tirer une conclusion historique concernant le passage entre le IVe et le IIIe millénaires.Vers 2700-2600 av. J.-C., les traditions peintes disparaissent à nouveau de la Mésopotamie, au moment où le contact a été rétabli entre les Sumériens et le Nord mésopotamien (Mari-Brak-Chuera). Concernant cette reprise de contact, nous mettons plus l’accent sur les changements observés dans la stratigraphie (sites abandonnés et/ou incendiés) pour parler d’un phénomène que nous avons appelé la « Sumérianisation ». Nous avons tenté de repérer ce phénomène par le biais de quelques inscriptions datées du Dynastique Archaïque III (vers 2600-2500 av. J.-C.). / During the 4th millennium, Mesopotamia and its neighbours were connected by a vast trade network which was established by Urukians throughout their expansion into Iran and Northern Mesopotamia. At the end of the 4th millennium and at the beginning of the 3rd, all those regions faced a phase crisis whose causes are unknown for us because of the absence of the written documents dated to this phase. At this phase, the Uruk trade network and colonization in Iran and Northern Mesopotamia were collapsed. Uruk sites have been abandoned. In addition, a large number of indigenous sites were abandoned. The contact between Northern and Southern Mesopotamian was suspended. However, other sites were founded in Iran and Mesopotamia. Although, with this crucial phase, the Mesopotamian ceramic culture did not change deeply, the painting traditions reappeared suddenly whereas the Mesopotamian had abandoned them since 9 centuries c. (in Post-Obaid).Three zones with painted ceramics appear in Mesopotamia: centre of Iraq, Eastern Iraq, North Iraq and North-Eastern Syria. Also, Iran employed massively the painting. However, the land of Sumer conserved the Uruk traditions which aren’t painted. Worthily to be noted that the painting traditions existed in Iran before and even during the Uruk expansion. Moreover, a corridor of contact seems to have existed linking Western Iran to those three zones. But, how can one explain this reappearance phenomenon of this painting in the centre and North Mesopotamia: is-it because of the displacements of the Iranian groups into Mesopotamia or is it a simple influence? Likewise, one cannot treat the question of the end of the 4th millennium without being confronted with the problem of the destiny of the Urukians colonists. Those latter lived in the periphery more than 4 centuries during the expansion. On the other hand, one is confronted with the problem of the foundation of urban-cities with the all beginning of the 3rd millennium (Mari, Terqa, Kharab Sayyar and Chuera). To answer these questions, we chose site-keys in Iran and Mesopotamia. First of all, we studied, site by site, their ceramic (and others materials) according to their stratigraphical position (strato-ceramic), and then based on their distribution in the landscape. At the same time, those strato-ceramics analyses have been combined with another study concerning changes in the occupation of landscape (abandonment and foundation), and the cultural transformations, especially for the North-Western and Western Iran where the transcaucasian expansion extends to Kermanshah and Northern Luristan in central Zagros.Based on ceramic comparisons and on other archaeological aspects, we attempted to correlate between the stratigraphy of the studied sites. We avoided making of a site or of a region the “Center of the World”. We rather looked at each site and region starting from its neighbours. At the end of each part or chapter, we linked between the studied regions, from the cultural point of view, stratigraphic and occupational, in order to try to draw a historic conclusion concerning the passage between the 4th and the 3rd millennium.Towards 2700-2600 B.C., the painting traditions disappeared once again from Mesopotamia, at the time when the contact was restored between the Sumerians and Northern Mesopotamian (Mari-Brak-Chuera). For this resumption of contact, we set the accent more on the changes observed in the stratigraphy (abandoned sites or burned) to speak about a phenomenon which we called “the Sumerianisation”. Moreover, we tried to identify this phenomenon by the means of some inscriptions dated to the Dynastic archaic III (towards 2600-2500 B. C.).