This dissertation examines the discourses of race, nation and ethnicity in late Qing and early republican China, focusing primarily on representations of the Han. It argues that the competing and changing representations of the Han in this period formed an integral part of the process of modern Chinese nation building. The empirical basis of the dissertation consists of three layers: intellectuals discourses, school textbooks and dictionaries. These layers constituted interconnected layers of discourses that were involved in the broader process of Chinese nation-building. The dissertation demonstrates that intellectuals discourses played a central role in constructing new notions of Chinese identity and the role of the Han, and thereby also in producing different templates or for Chinese nation-building during the late Qing and early republican period. After the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911, these modern perceptions of Chinese national identity were endorsed by the ruling elites and were gradually disseminated and popularised further by means of school textbooks and dictionaries. Taken together, the examination of discourses on the Han in these three types of sources therefore offers an account of how early Chinese nationalist ideas were produced among the elites and then disseminated among the broader population.

No description available.

Comprehensive studies are required to understand the design of the performance halls in Turkish Early Republican Period. Acoustics, a significant parameter in performance hall design, has been chosen to contribute the studies. Three pioneers of the period, Resim Heykel Museum, K&uuml / &ccedil / &uuml / k Theatre and Opera Halls, are chosen as cases. The acoustical qualities of performance halls of Turkish Early Republican period in Ankara is studied in parallel to the acoustical design of performance halls in Europe which may reveal similarities in case halls. Detailed 3-D models of the halls for acoustical simulations based on the original design data have been prepared and results are to be compared with acoustically recognized halls in the world.

No description available.

The severely neglected subject of Antifederalism is the focal point of this project. As the framing ideology opposed to the ratification of the U.S. Constitution, Antifederalism has not been treated with the same historical care as Federalism, the successful and currently operational ideology. This is both an intellectual and ethical mistake that ignores the role that Antifederalism played in procuring the Bill of Rights, and still plays in the sphere of political dissent. The de facto successors to the Revolutionary mentality, Antifederalists took it upon themselves to conclusively secure the American conception of liberty, already wrested from British hands, from a growing threat—those whom they deemed domestic imperialists. Even Thomas Jefferson, architect of the Declaration of Independence, espoused the principles behind Antifederalism, especially when confronted with those of Hamiltonian Federalism. Moreover, Jefferson’s Revolution of 1800, which gave rise to the Democratic-Republicans, consisted of many former Antifederalists. While wholly relevant and increasingly indispensible, the few studies that do examine Antifederalism fall short of finding or acknowledging its lasting significance, owing to supposed internal dissension, socioeconomic in nature. However, Antifederalists featured ideological unanimity in at least one area: opposition to standing armies. This opposition is evident in both the theoretical (why they were against standing armies) and practical (what to do about it) areas. The imperial legacy of hostility, a historical and lived experience for Americans of the time, drove Antifederalists to make their objections to ratification obvious, of which the standing army issue played the most elemental part. Informed and inspired by this lengthy history of distrust for military forces maintained in time of peace, which included their own Revolution, Antifederalists sought to safeguard their liberties from future encroachments, for future generations. By arguing iii that Antifederalists, regardless of region or class, objected to standing armies, this thesis seeks to elevate Antifederalism to its rightful place in the contexts of political history and the encompassing American tale.

This thesis discusses the reactions of American newspapers and elite individuals to French women in violence as perpetrators and victims during the French Revolution. Canvassing the years between 1789 and 1799, it includes papers, especially politically aligned ones, from across the states of America and attempts to assess the prescriptive nature of various reports. In includes case studies of common/working-class women, aristocratic revolutionaries (Charlotte Corday and Madame Roland), and Queen Marie Antoinette. Using newspapers with and without political affiliations, to either the Federalist or Democratic-Republican Party, it argues that the dividing ideological lines between these factions were not as steadfast and rigid as previously believed during this period. Though papers and individuals did adhere to party lines, their opinions toward women in violence were affected by other factors, such as their ideologies about violence. Building on historiographies of colonial and revolutionary American attitudes toward women in violence, gender ideology in the early Republic, and political parties in the 1790s, it seeks to illuminate American views toward women in violence during the years of the early Republic. / Master of Arts

Dr. Mayo-Bobee will discuss issues facing our early nation, some of which still face us, in different forms, perhaps, today.

Les nations indiennes du sud-est des États-Unis — les Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, Séminoles et Cherokees — constituent une exception dans le paysage étatsunien du début du XlXème siècle, du fait de leur remarquable acculturation. Depuis l'ère coloniale, les Autochtones font le choix stratégique d'adopter certains traits culturels du colonisateur afin de s'imposer dans le dialogue économique et diplomatique avec ce dernier. Lorsqu'il met en place le programme de « civilisation », à un moment où l'assimilation des Indiens à la société américaine est envisagée, l'État fédéral s'appuie sur cet héritage de transformation culturelle. En prenant le concept de « mimétisme stratégique » comme point de départ, de façon à mettre en lumière le rôle des Indiens dans la redéfinition de leur propre identité, cette étude entend analyser la manière dont s'exprime l'agentivité des nations du Sud-Est dans la construction globale de la jeune république, en étudiant la place que prend cette stratégie d'imitation dans le rapport de force entre les nations indiennes et l'État fédéral, entre 1815 et 1861. Malgré les tensions internes impliquées par cette transition identitaire, il apparaît que les nations du Sud-Est se sont réinventées pendant la période, en adoptant notamment l'arsenal politique de création d'un État au sens large. Dans ce contexte, le déplacement vers l'Ouest imposé aux nations par AndrewJackson en 1830 semble impliquer un processus inédit. L'appropriation de la culture et des institutions états-uniennes fait que les nations participent à une certaine élaboration de l'Ouest, qui impose aux États-Unis de se poser la question de sa construction et de son expansion. / At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the southeastern Indian nations — the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks, Seminoles and Cherokees—were an exception in the American landscape because of their outstanding acculturation. Ever since the colonial era, the Indians strategically adapted their culture to that of the colonists so they could weigh in the economic and diplomatic interplay that took place between the two communities. When the federal government implemented the so-called "civilization" program, based on the idea that Indians could be integrated to American society, it relied on this long-standing cultural adaptation. Taking the notion of "strategic mimesis" as a starting point, in order to highlight the role played by the Indians themselves in redefining their own identity, this study aims at analyzing the agency of the southeastern Indians in the making of the early American republic. More specifically, the extent to which this strategic imitation developed by the Indians had an impact on the federal Indian policy between 1815 and 1861 is here discussed. Despite the tensions that appeared within the nations, due to this phenomenon of cultural transformation, it seems that the Indian nations reinvented themselves during the period studied here, in adopting a state-making institutional apparel. In this context, Indian removal, initiated by Andrew Jackson in 1830, implied an unprecedented process. While appropriating American culture and institutions, the relocated Indian nations also partook of the making of the West, and had the United States reflect on its very construction and expansion.

This dissertation seeks to enhance our understanding of the early American republic by providing a study of the home missions movement from 1787 to 1845. The home missions movement was a nationwide, multi-denominational religious movement, led by mission societies, and aimed at bringing the Protestant gospel to the various peoples of the states and territories. A history of this movement not only fills a gap in the historiography of early American religious history, but also enlightens our understanding of the broader socio-political world of the early republic. The founding years of the home missions movement, from 1787 to 1815, were led by Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Baptists. Despite interdenominational competition at home and diplomatic tension with Britain, Protestants tended to cooperate both interdenominationally and transatlantically in order to achieve broader, evangelical goals in their missions. Home missions societies also shed light on a third form of cooperation: cooperation between church and state. We can better understand the relationship between church and state in the early republic by rejecting the idea that these two entities functioned separately. Instead, they functioned within a complex system of cooperation, evidenced by consistent government subsidization of and participation in missions to both white settlers and Indians, as well as by a broad culture of cooperation with Protestant projects in American society. During the early antebellum period, the home missions movement underwent a significant transformation, from functioning as a nationwide group of loosely-affiliated societies, which focused on nearby peoples, to a highly-centralized affair, dominated by a handful of national mission societies, which focused on the salvation of the entire nation. The growing importance of the population of the Mississippi Valley and the national trend toward a more centralized government and economic system played the two key roles in this transformation. This centralization - religious, economic, and political - helped give rise to the antimission movement, a nationwide Protestant protest against mission societies. This movement sheds light on the religious and ideological underpinnings of antebellum sectionalism.

This is a transnational history of the early republic that focuses on religious actors. The early American foreign mission movement was an outward-looking expression of the benevolent network of the early republic. Building on transatlantic connections that predated the American Revolution, it represented American evangelicals’ attempt to transform the “heathen world” into part of God’s kingdom. Using ABCFM missions to in India, the Cherokee Nation, and Liberia as case studies, this dissertation examines the relationship between the church and imperial politics. In the 1800s, Americans, who had focused their evangelism on Native Americans, joined British evangelicals in the work of world mission. In the first decades of their work, they saw the potential of imperial expansion as a conduit for evangelization. In practice, evangelicals found great faults with imperial governments. Everywhere, missionaries struggled to determine how linked the projects of Christianizing and “civilizing” ought to be. With regard to gender norms in particular, missionaries found the introduction of “civilization” to be an essential part of their work. The question of slavery ultimately led to a shift in mission policy. By the mid-1840s, the Board insisted that it was a single-issue organization whose sole purpose was the conversion of the world. In so doing, the Board shifted away from the early 19th century model of foreign missions as bearers of “civilization” to a mid-19th century model of a separation between missions and politics. / History