This study examines the challenges of organisational transformation in emerging economies with special reference to Zimbabwe. It is an inductive study using grounded theory, rooted in case study methodology, based on Eisenhardt's (1989) eight steps of building theory from case study research. A longitudinal multiple case study design is used to capture transformation experiences of four companies (covering four business sectors) spanning from 1980 to 2000. Fourteen constructs from the within-case analysis form the basis of data collection and these are refined through cross-case analysis. Nine themes and sixteen challenges emerge from the study. The challenges and themes are used to identify points of convergence and divergence. Issues that trigger organisational transformation are spotted and best practices explored. Ultimately, the nine emerging themes are crystallized into seven. Both the emerging model - the Madzivire Transformation Model (MaTra) - and the elaborated model - the Madzivire Collaborative Transformation Model (MaCoTra) - are constructed from the seven themes. MaCoTra is a refinement of MaTra with the following differentiating features: * The metaphor of choruses signifies the centrality of collaboration from an African perspective; * MaCoTra reflects non-linear and linear linkages between choruses; * Choruses depict the significance of songs in African bonding; * A personal commitment to transformation calls for collective bonding around values, visions, missions and strategies; * MaCoTra is a remarkable departure from steps, phases and stages espoused in most Western change literature; * MaCoTra's philosophical base is Ubuntu - `I am because we are'- focusing on independence and interdependence; * Change interventions may be through individual or multiple MaCoTra choruses; * The organisational song connects all organisational members in a choir of transformation. MaCoTra addresses the sixteen challenges and exceedingly covers challenges cited in enfolding literature. MaCoTra was tested in and outside the study sample. I assert that MaCoTra is usable in Zimbabwean companies and may be generalized through replication studies in Africa and other emerging economies. Areas of further study towards the achievement of more generalisability of the theory/model are suggested. This study addresses the existing knowledge gap and prescribes the Madzivire Collaborative Transformation Model - MaCoTra - for companies in emerging economies. / Business Management / D.B.L.

Inequalities in levels of development between regions within a country are frequently regarded as a problem. The magnitude of the problem is more severe in developing countries than in developed countries. Zimbabwe, as a developing country, is no exception and the country is characterized by severe regional inequalities. This research is concerned with the spatial patterns of socio-economic development in Zimbabwe. The composite index method was used to rank administrative districts of Zimbabwe according to level of development. The composite indices together with socio-economic characteristics were used to demarcate the administrative districts into development regions according to Friedmann's (1966) model. Attention was given to the spatial development policies applied in Zimbabwe. Friedmann's (1966) guidelines, for the development of the different regional types in his model, were applied to the Zimbabwean spatial economy. Suggestions were made regarding possible adjustments to previous strategies used in Zimbabwe, for spatial development planning. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A.

The rate of unemployment in South Africa remains stubbornly high despite vastly improved macroeconomic fundamentals and relatively high rates of economic growth for most of the post-1994 democratic era. Employment growth was much weaker than might have been expected given the improved economic outlook. This thesis investigates how the sectoral employment intensity of output growth in the eight non-agricultural sectors of the South African economy has evolved from 2000 to 2012, with a view to identifying key growth sectors that are employment intensive. An econometric model of the demand for labour is used to estimate employment elasticities in the major Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) divisions of the economy. The results suggest that aggregate employment and economic growth diverged and that jobless growth occurred in South Africa during the period under review. South Africa has become less labour intensive and more capital intensive, reflecting a structural adjustment that has weakened the employment-growth relationship. At the sectoral level, the results suggest the presence of a long-run relationship between employment and growth in finance and business services, manufacturing, transport and the utilities sectors. In particular, the results suggest that the tertiary sector performed best in terms of the employment intensity of output growth. This reflects the changing structure of the economy and the nature of employment shifting away from the primary towards the tertiary sectors. Investment in the tertiary sector may help to foster new employment opportunities and assist in improving the overall employment intensity of output growth in South Africa. / Economics / D. Litt. et Phil. (Economics)

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Since gaining independence in 1990, Namibia has enjoyed a fairly stable economic performance, but its heavy reliance on its natural resources, especially its mineral resources, is at times worrisome. Historically, the country has depended primarily on diamond exports as a major source of foreign exchange earnings and state revenue. The contribution of diamond mining to government revenue has over the years declined from a high of N$1493 million in 2002 to the levels of N$821 million in 2007. Similarly, the contribution of diamond mining to the Gross Domestic Product has decline marginally from N$4.59 billion (16.9 percent) in 2006 to N$3.56 billion (13.1 percent) in 2007 respectively. It is evident that there has been a steady, but progressive decline in the proportional contribution of diamonds to the national income in relation to the other sectors of the economy. This decline can however not be directly attributed to a corresponding decline in the diamond production output, but perhaps due to a decline in diamond demand and lower prices. Based on the fact that diamond production and expansion thereof to offshore operations in particular will continue for years to come and still make significant contribution to the Namibia economy, this study attempts to formulate value addition strategies that could lead to the optimisation of the Namibia diamond economy potential, especially local benefication, as well as increased international competitiveness within the established world diamond markets. To this end, it evaluates the intricate supply and demand patterns in the world diamond market to understand how Namibia could position itself. The study found that there is a clear case for local diamond benefication as an economic imperative and that it is a feasible proposition. However, it must be approached cautiously and within a clearly defined and structured framework. It is recommended that Namibia should pursue the benefication of her unique gem quality diamonds in conjunction with external manufacturing experts and marketers in order to secure a bigger stake in the global diamond pipeline. To this end the government needs to formulate clear incentive strategies and packages for investors and also open the playing field for local manufacturers, without compromising existing relations and revenue streams. Furthermore, it is suggested that Namibia strive to maintain an amicable balance between rough exports and local benefication, whilst expanding the regulatory and enabling environment. Other proposals that will support local benefication and competitiveness of the Namibian diamond economy are diamond branding and marketing through already existing diamond marketing pioneers such as DTC International. Finally, Namibia needs to embark upon strategies to urgently increase its skills base and improve the productivity of its labour force in order to achieve the vision of a flourishing diamond benefication sector.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Theory states that if a country opens its markets to free trade that it facilitates the better utilization of resources for all the parties participating in the agreement resulting to a relative lowering of production cost, the increase in export earnings, larger markets to benefit from economies of scale and subsequent investment in production facilities will increase employment and general welfare. Namibia has three major free trade agreements or economic integration arrangements namely the Southem Africa Customs Union (SACU), the Cotonou agreement defining its export regime to the European Union and the South Africa European Union Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement defining its import regime via the Southem African Customs Union and the African Growth and Opportunities Act defining its relationship with the United States of America. These agreements are at varying levels of integration with the Southem African Customs Union in place already in 1920. Namibia uses taxes on international trade as a primary source of state income (28% to 32 %). As part of its membership to the SACU's Common External Pool revenue distribution, Namibia is compensated for not being able to charge import taxes on South African imports. South Africa has determined trade policy for SACU since its exception and used tariffs more as a form of protection of its own industries, rather than a source of state income. The lowering of tariffs on EU imports by means of the SA EU TDCA as well as WTO obligations will see the reduction of state income of Namibia of an estimated amount of N$ 480 million [Schade 20051. This will have dire consequence for the Namibian economy as the deficit of the state budget is already 4.7 % as compared to a norm of 3%. In this study the growth in export earnings as well as the investment response of the various free trade agreements have been analysed. Contrary to theory, economic integration has not led to the desired growth in export earnings as well as significant investment responses due to preferential access provided by these agreements. Significant growth in exports is limited to specific sectors, notably fish to the European Union and apparel to the USA. Investments were also limited to these sectors. Free trade and preferential access did not lead to the diversification of the Namibian economy and has on the contrary inflicted severe blows to the critical beef industry in the near past and over the long term has led to trade diversion towards South Africa as well as the European Union. Investments and increases in export earnings are too little to offset the reduction of state income by the liberalization of tariffs and will result in Namibia becoming more marginalised if it does not counter the situation by better trade policies that are to be formulated along with the other SACU members. These policies will take time to be concluded as of yet none of the institutions of SACU has become operational. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die teorie van vryhandel bepaal as 'n land sy mark oopmaak vir vryhandel dat dit sal lei tot die verbeterde benutting van hulpbronne vir al die partye tot 'n vryhandelsooreenskoms deur middel van die verlaging van produksiekoste, die verhoging van uitvoerinkomste, die vergroting van markte wat kan voordeel trek uit skaal van, ekonomieë asook die verhoging van gepaardgaande belegging wat werkskepping en die algemene welsyn sal verhoog. Namibie is deel van drie vryhandelsooreenkomste of ekonomiese integrasie samewerking naamlik die Suider Afrikaanse Doane Unie (SADU), die Cotonou verdrag wat sy uitvoer na die Europese Unie bepaal, die Suid Afrika Europese Unie Handel, Ontwikkeling en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (SA EU TOCA) wat sy invoere vanaf Suid Afrika via die SADU bepaal en die African Growth and Opportunffies Act wat sy uitvoere na die VSA bepaal. Hierdie ooreenkomste is op verskillende vlakke van ekonomiese integrasie met SADU wat alreeds sedert 1920 bestaan. Namibie gebruik belasting op intemasionale handel as 'n primere bron van staatsinkomste (28% tot 32 %). Namibia word as lid van SADU gekompenseer deur middel van die Gemeenskaplike Eksteme Inkomste Poel vir die gebrek om invoerbelasting op Suid Afrikaanse produkte te hef. Suid-Afrika het sedert die ontstaan van SADU die handelsbeleid daarvan bepaal en het tariewe gebruik om sy eie industrieë te beskerm in plaas van 'n bron van staatsinkomste. Die verlaging van tariewe deur middel van die SA EU TOCA asook verpligtinge van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie sal tot gevolg hê die vermindering van Namibiese staatsinkomste van N$ 480 miljoen, Dit sal geweldige negatiewe gevolge inhou vir Namibie wat alreeds met 'n tekort op die begroting van 4.7% sit in vergelyking met 'n aanvaarde norm van 3%. In hierdie werkstuk is die groei in uitvoerverdienste asook die beleggingsreaksie van die verskillende ooreenskomste ondersoek. Daar is gevind dat desnieteenstaande die teorie, ekonomiese integrasie nie gelei het tot die verlangde groei in uitvoere of beleggings nie. Uitsondenike groei in uitvoere is beperk tot spesifieke sektore naamlik vis na die Europese Unie en klerasie na die VSA. Beleggings is ook beperk tot hierdie sektore. Vryhandel en voorkeurtoegang het nie gelei tot die diversifikasie van Namibie se ekonomie nie en het dit op die keper beskou gelei tot kritiese terugslae op die kritiese beesvleisindustrie in die nabye verlede en het dit oor die langtermyn gelei tot die wegleiding van handel na Suid - Afrika en die Europese Unie. Beleggings en toename in uitvoer is te min om die vermindering van staatsinkomste deur middel van die liberalisering van handel teen te werk. Dit sal tot gevolg hê dat Namibia al meer gemarginaliseerd gaan raak indien dit nie die situasie kan teenwerk deur middel van beter handelsbeleid wat bepaal moet word deur onderhandeling met ander SADU lede nie. Hierdie beleidsrigtings sal lank neem voordat dit van krag sal kom aangesien nie een van die SADU instellings al in volle bedryf is nie.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: "Private intemational capital flows, particularly foreign direct investment, are vital complements to national and intemational development efforts. Foreign direct investment contributes toward financing sustained economic growth over the long term. It is especially important for its potential to transfer knowledge and technology, create jobs, boost overall productivity, enhance competitiveness and entrepreneurship, and ultimately eradicate poverty through economic growth and development (Nunnenkamp, 2002). As a result of these associated benefits, strategies for the attraction of FDI have become an increasingly important item on a country's economic agenda. However, prior to these strategies being developed and as a result of the concentration of high FDI flows to a limited number of countries, it is important to establish those salient factors that drive FDI flows. Africa has failed to hamess onto the FDI phenomenon and as a continent attracts very little FDI inflows. To date, only a limited number of empirical studies have been done on FDI flows to Africa. The objective of this study is to establish the macroeconomic and political factors that will stimulate and increase the flows of FDI to Africa. Pooled econometrical analysis, using the Random and Fixed Effects method is used in the empirical estimation. The findings differ according to the type of model used, however, the results in general, reveal that the level of industrialisation in a country, the state of its infrastructure, the country's economic growth rate and productivity levels are important determinants of the flows of FDI to Africa. The surprising result is that political stability and the level of openness in Africa are insignificant determinants of the flows of FDI to Africa. Very few studies take into account that Africa can be classified into various regional groupings viz; North, East, West, Central and Southem Africa, with previous studies focusing mainly on North Africa and Sub Saharan Africa. An additional objective of the study was to determine the regional specific determinants that drive FDI. The findings reveal that openness is important in North Africa and Central Africa whilst the level of industrialisation significant in a North African and West African context. The state of the infrastructure network is central to FDI flows in West and Central Africa whereas political stability is the key to promoting FDI flows to East Africa. A surprising finding is that none of the tested determinants were significant in a Southern African context. The above-mentioned findings demonstrate the need for further research in terms of the country specific determinants of FDI. This will serve to advise governments in the drafting of a country's national policy agenda and selection of FDI attraction strategy, so that the benefits thereof are maximised and costs thereto minimised. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: "Private internasionale kapitaalvloei, veral direkte belegging in die buiteland, is aanvullings wat van die allergrootste belang is vir nasionale en internasionale pogings wat met ontwikkeling verband hou. Buitelandse direkte belegging (BDB) dra by tot die finansiering van volgehoue ekonomiese groei op die lang termyn. Dit is veral belangrik vir die potensiaal daarvan om kennis en tegnologie oor te dra, werksgeleenthede te skep, algehele produktiwiteit te verstewig, mededingendheid en entrepreneurskap te verbeter, en om armoede uiteindelik deur ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling uit te skakel" (Nunnenkamp, 2002). In die lig van hierdie gepaardgaande voordele, het strategieë vir die aantrekking van BDB 'n toenemend belangrike item op 'n land se ekonomiese agenda geword. Voordat hierdie strategieë egter ontwikkel word, en as gevolg van die konsentrasie van hoë BDB-vloei na 'n beperkte aantal lande, is dit belangrik om daardie vernaamste faktore wat BDB-vloei aandryf, te vestig. Afrika het versuim om die BDB-verskynsel in te span, en as 'n vasteland lok dit baie min BDB-invloei. Tot op datum is slegs 'n beperkte aantal empiriese studies oor BDB-vloei na Afrika gedoen. Die doelwit van hierdie studie is om die makroekonomiese en politiese faktore vas te stel wat die vloei van BDB na Afrika sal stimuleer en verhoog. 'n Poel van ekonometriese ontledings deur die metode van Stogastiese en Vaste Effekte word in die empiriese skattings gebruik. Die bevindings verskil volgens die tipe model wat gebruik word, maar die resultate oor die algemeen toon dat die vlak van industrialisasie in 'n land, die toestand van 'n land se infrastruktuur, die land se ekonomiese groeitempo en produktiwiteitsvlakke belangrike bepalers is van die vloei van BDB na Afrika. Die verbasende resultaat is dat politiese stabiliteit en die vlak van die oopheid van ekonomieë in Afrika onbelangrike bepalers van die vloei van BDB na Afrika is. 'n Geringe aantal studies neem in aanmerking dat Afrika in verskillende streeksgroeperings, nl Noord-, Oos-, Wes-, Midde-, en Suider-Afrika ingedeel kan word, met vorige studies wat hoofsaaklik op Noord-Afrika en sub-Sahara-Afrika fokus. 'n Bykomende doelwit van die studie was om die streek spesifieke bepalers wat BDB aandryf, vas te stel. Die bevindings dui daarop dat oopheid van ekonomieë in Noord-Afrika en Midde-Afrika belangrik is, terwyl die vlak van industrialisasie in die konteks van Noord-Afrika en Wes-Afrika betekenisvol is. Die toestand van die infrastruktuurnetwerk is sentraal tot BOB-vloei in Wes- en Midde-Afrika terwyl politiese slabiliteit die sleutel is tot die bevordering van BOB-vloei na Oos-Afrika. 'n Verbasende bevinding is dat geen van die getoetste bepalers in die konteks van Suider-Afrika betekenisvol was nie. Bogenoemde bevindings toon die behoefte aan verdere navorsing in terme van die spesifieke bepalers van BOB van 'n land. Dit sal dien om inligling te verstrek oor 'n land se nasionale beleidsagenda en 'n seleksie van strategie om BOB te lok, sodat die voordele gemaksimeer en die koste daarvan geminimiseer kan word.

Peru is one of the leading examples of a primary-product export economy which has failed to achieve a high level of economic development. In this study, two alternative explanatory models of such development failure are tested against evidence drawn from Peru's experience in the 1920's (the culminating decade of a cycle of export growth which began in the 1880's and was brought to a close by the world depression of 1930). The first of the models is drawn from the mainstream of orthodox writing on development. Integration of an economy into international commodity and capital markets is viewed as a positive step towards development, and failure to achieve development is therefore explained by appeal to special obstacles which prevent the working-out of market forces. A variety of such obstacles may be proposed, of which three possibilities are particularly relevant: the absence of a dynamic, responsive elite to initiate and guide a development process; a binding scarcity of capital; and an inability of the local economy to adjust to the technological requirements of development. Because of the existence of such obstacles, the argument runs, the impulse towards growth and modernisation given by integration into the international economic system fails to spread much beyond the export enclaves. Foreign factors of production (particularly capital and technological skills) supplement scarce local factors and thereby increase the strength of the forces working towards development; but in the final analysis development can proceed only as fast as the obstacles are overcome. The second, opposed, model of development failure suggests that market forces themselves work in such a way as to erode the local economy's capacity for development. Integration into the international economy, it is suggested, leads to economic retrogression rather than development, and may destroy a viable pre-existing capacity to generate development. Foreign capital enters the local economy not to fill gaps in its resource endowment, but because of market imperfections. Local enterprises are destroyed and local factors displaced by the process of investment by international firms. As a growing proportion of capital formation takes place in foreign-controlled, rather than locally-controlled, enterprises, the domestic economy's capacity to mobilise and allocate capital falls, and under-employment of local factors increases. Opening the local economy to international market forces also opens for the domestic elite the option of abandoning an entrepreneurial function, and converting themselves into client allies of foreign interests - a 'comprador' class, without commitment to the development of the broader national economy. The State participates also in this process of decay. The thesis of this study is that Peru's experience in the 1920's fails to correspond to the first of these two models, but yields some evidence favouring the second. In Chapter 1, four central issues in the debate are identified, and hypotheses derived from them are then tested in the six subsequent chapters. The four areas selected for investigation are the following: (i) Were there binding factor constraints which ruled out a self-sustaining development process? Attention focusses here particularly on the question whether there existed a 'savings gap', and whether the native elite may have been incapable of meeting the organisational, technological and psychological requirements of a development model. (ii) What is the effect upon income levels and development prospects of the process of foreign direct investment in primary-product export sectors? In particular, does foreign direct investment supplement the local economy's supply of scarce factors, or displace native factors of production from efficient employment? (iii) Does the Government perform satisfactorily as a regulating and bargaining agent, seeking to capture for the host economy the maximum possible gains from export growth in a context of foreign direct investment? The debate here hinges upon the question whether apparent failures of the Government in this role should be attributed to 'softness' or to deliberate policy. (iv) What is the effect upon native enterprises of a process of denationalisation of leading export sectors? The key question here is whether local capital and entrepreneurs displaced from activity in one sector by the arrival of foreign capital were subsequently reallocated towards productive employment in other sectors of the economy, or instead withdrew from active employment or were allocated into activities whose contribution to development was relatively slight. Chapter 2 describes the historical background to the Peruvian economy of the 1920's, indicating that the period since the 1880's had been anything but stagnant. Peru was able, using only local factors of production, to initiate a successful export-led growth process in the late nineteenth century, with important spread effects to other sectors. The country's integration into the international economy, however, quickly opened it to the entry of large international firms, which were welcomed by much of the local capitalist group, and which dominated the economy by the 1920's. Chapter 3 looks more closely at the capability of the native elite, and establishes that the entry of foreign capital was not dictated by any inability of the local economy to mobilise capital or to apply and develop technology, but occurred rather because of differences between foreign and local firms in the perception of risk and calculation of future earnings; of these, the first appears more important. Development along the lines already begun in the 1890's, the chapter concludes, could have been sustained under the control of domestic firms, given the application of appropriate government policy, and continued expansion of export opportunities abroad. Chapters 4 and 5 are devoted to a more detailed evaluation of the contribution to Peru's development made by the two leading foreign firms, which between them accounted for over half of the country's total export earnings by 1929. The methodology used is adapted from the recent UNCTAD studies of foreign direct investment in manufacturing, and hinges upon the comparison between the actual income effects generated by the foreign firms in practice, and the effects which could reasonably have been expected in the case of local control of those sectors in the absence of foreign capital. In both cases, the conclusion reached is that the net contribution of foreign capital was negligible or negative. Chapter 6 takes up the issue of government policy formation, asking why, if Peru was deriving so little advantage from the presence of foreign capital, the Government did not regulate the foreign firms more stringently. The enquiry takes the form of a detailed case study of the relations between the Government and the largest foreign firm, the International Petroleum Company. The main conclusion is that the Government was an effective and generally skilled regulator and bargainer within the goals which it set itself; but that those policy goals were certainly not optimal from the standpoint of national development. Rather, the Government tended to embody narrow group interests - particularly the interests of Government itself. Since the entry of large amounts of foreign capital in the early twentieth century displaced local entrepreneurs and capital from several export sectors, Chapter 7 considers the possibility that these factors of production might have been reallocated towards other sectors of the national economy, initiating dynamic growth there.

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