This thesis presents an examination of the role of co-operatives in the economic development of pre-independent Cyprus and also in the economic reconstruction effort following the war events of 1974. The provision of credit is a key element of the contribution made by the co-operative movement during these two different phases of the island's modern economic history; first agricultural credit and then housing credit. Government involvement is treated as a very important variable in the co-operative function and various types of such involvement are examined in the course of the thesis, ranging from zero to maximum government input. This maximum type relates to a situation where the initiation, financing and control of co-operatives are tightly in the hands of state agents. In this respect various aspects of institutional theory are applied in order to explain empirical findings. Another important variable of the co-operative function relates to political party involvement. Existing beliefs about the ill-effects of politicisation are put to the test using highly sensitive empirical evidence from Cyprus, available to the author only due to his special relationship with the co-operative movement. The effects of such politicisation are also studied in relation to member participation.

This thesis examines the process by which an Australian policy of post-war economic reconstruction, the main focus of which was the achievement and maintenance of full employment, was developed in preparation for the return of peace at the conclusion of World War II, and the consequences which that policy had within the Australian community. Development of a policy of economic reconstruction took place largely at the instigation of the Curtin Labor government, which had come to power in October 1941, and which in December 1942 established a Ministry of Post War Reconstruction with J.B. Chifley as Minister. Those who were associated with the work of the Ministry in formulating economic policy were Ministers of the Labor Government and professional economists. In the contribution which they made, each was conditioned by the experience of the Great Depression, which motivated them to formulate a policy of full employment, by their adherence to the attitudes and values of the groups to which they belonged: the Labor Party which advocated a move to centralized powers and socialism on the one hand, and the school of Keynesian economic thought which gave the economic initiative to governments on the other, and by the pervasive climate of stringent government direction and control which the war had brought about. This thesis argues that the attitudes and values which were brought to the task of economic reconstruction policy defined the character of that policy, set limits on its scope, and created difficulties in reconciling political and economic views. As a consequence, the policy proposals which were put forward for public debate and endorsement were inadequately thought through, poorly co-ordinated, and too radical to be accepted by the Australian electorate. Because the response of the various interest groups within the community had not been taken into account when the policy was framed, nor had been considered when deciding on the measures to implement the policy, there was considerable opposition to the proposed program of post-war economic reconstruction. This program, when associated with other apparently radical policies such as the nationalization of the banking system, notably contributed to the defeat of the Labor Government in the 1949 elections. The rejection of the post-war reconstruction program might have been avoided or at least ameliorated had a broader perspective been taken in formulating the policy and assessing its consequences.

A cours des dernières décennies, le Conseil de sécurité, agissant en vertu du chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies, a autorisé l'adoption de diverses mesures de nature ou de portée économique, dans la sphère des États ou territoires non-étatiques, à l'issue de conflits armés. Il a ainsi promu la stabilisation économique, via des réformes économiques d'envergure, dans des zones post-conflictuelles telles que le Bosnie-Herzégovine, le Kosovo, le Timor oriental ou l'Irak. Il a intégré des principes de bonne gouvernance économique dans des régimes de gouvernance transitoires au Liberia ou aux deux Soudan. Il a développé une gamme de stratégies de consolidation de la paix de plus en plus sophistiquée pour stabiliser l'exploitation des ressources naturelles comme le bois, le pétrole ou les diamants, dans les États comme la Sierra Leone, la République démocratique du Congo ou la Côte d'Ivoire. Toutes ces interventions, plus ou moins intrusives, dans la sphère économique interne des États soulèvent des questions d'ordre juridique importantes. Dans cette étude nous nous sommes intéressés à deux questions essentiellement, à savoir, l'ordre juridique international, tel que nous le connaissons aujourd'hui, dispose-t-il de tous les matériaux nécessaires et indispensables pour encadrer et réglementer toute activité de reconstruction économique entreprise par le Conseil de sécurité ou ses agents d'exécution sur la base du chapitre VII d la Carte des Nations Unions ? Et si oui, comment et dans quelle mesure un tel cursus est-il appréhendé en pratique par les différents acteurs ? Les réponses apportées à cette problématique nous ont conduit, dans un premier temps, à déterminer l'existence , sinon la portée du corpus juridique pertinent, et ensuite, à analyser son impact sur la nature et la portée des pouvoirs susceptibles d'être exercé dans ce contexte. Et, dans un second temps, nous avons apprécié jusqu'à quel point les exigences ainsi établies ont, jusqu'à ce jour, pénétré la pratique des différents acteurs sur cette question précise, et en cas de violation des règles pertinentes, comment rendre, et dans quelle mesure, les acteurs concernés responsables des violations alléguées. / Résumé non communiqué

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The thesis maps the change in the territorial structure of Czechoslovak foreign trade in 1945-1953. The aim of the study is verification of the hypothesis that allows for direct foreign trade policy constraints on political events. In other words, as the gradual political integration of Czechoslovakia into the Soviet bloc touched territorial structure of foreign trade. The text examines the changing trend in foreign trade, which has been shown by growth of the share of the USSR at the expense of the capitalist states, and addresses the question of whether and how much the Soviet Union could replace the liberal market economy. The work contributes to the knowledge of the functioning of the post-war period with foreign exchange trading and describes the influence of foreign trade by the disproportionately greater economic and political entity.

Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.